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Türkiye'de parti içi demokrasi: Teori, görünüm ve sorunlar
This thesis aims to analyse the theory of internal party democracy (IPD) and mainly tries to show hypothetical connection between broad political problems of Turkey and party-level ones. The main question of this thesis is whether there is connection between wider problems of Turkish Politics and party-level ones or not. To answer this, the thesis firstly explains the importance of political parties for democracies by showing that the political parties are requisites for consolidated democracies. Secondly, the study explains why 'internal party democracy' is a need for consolidated democracy and what 'internal party democracy' means by focusing on different components which are participation, representation, competition, autonomy and transparency as core values. Thirdly, the analytical framework of this study has been developed by using Rahat and Shapira's Internal Party Democracy Index (2017) to create Turkey-specific methodology. Justice and Development Party (AKP), Republican People's Party (CHP), Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), People's Democratic Party (HDP) and Good Party (İP) are analyzed by applying this framework with 5 different components. The study has introduced that each political party has different strengths and weaknesses related to the components of internal party democracy and resulted in having different levels of IPD for each political party. Nevertheless, this study has also found out that wider political problems of Turkey are also same at the political party-level.
Türkiye'nin demokrasi ile imtihanı: Yirmibirinci yüzyılda beliren demokratik olmayan rejim
Turkey, under AKP's incumbency, has gone through radical changes in the last 18 years. Initial attempts and hopes towards liberal democracy were faltered by means of the ever-growing power of incumbency. Considering Turkey's struggle with democracy, this thesis has endeavored to answer several questions: Where does Turkey stand in the global democratic backslide? How did AKP ascend to power and sustain its governance? How has liberal democracy's aims of Turkey gradually changed over time? How to classify Turkey, following the transition to the Executive Presidential system? By answering the aforementioned questions, this thesis aims to show the chronology of elimination of the democratic elements and the autocratization process that took place during AKP's incumbency. This thesis concludes that under AKP's incumbency, the Turkish political regime has reached a point that could be considered as a Neopatrimonial Sultanistic regime.
Volkan gazetesi ışığında Derviş Vahdeti'nin siyasi görüşleri (1908-1909)
The aim of this study is to reveal and explore the political ideas of Dervis Vahdeti (1870-1909) who was an important and controversial actor during the first months of the Second Constitutional Period (1908-1918). Starting from 11 December 1908, Vahdeti edited a daily newspaper, named Volkan (Volcano), until 20 April 1909. He personally published a number of writings in Volkan, and expressed his ideas on multiple subjects ranging from politics to the social life in the Ottoman Empire. His harsh criticism that targeted the policies of the Ottoman Committee of Progress and Union (CUP, Osmanlı Ittihâd ve Terakki Cemiyeti) made him a serious threat for the authority of the CUP. Vahdeti later established an activist and religionoriented party, named Muhammadan Union (Ittihâd-ı Muhammedi). Although he was subject to a number of studies on the Second Constitutional Period due to his alleged role in the 31 March Incident of 1909, his ideas were mostly ignored and/or he was labelled as a religious extremist (mürteci). Though this portrayal has been questioned by a limited number of scholars recently, details of Vahdeti's ideological stance still remains unexplored. This study intends to fill this gap by examining Vahdeti's numerous writings that were published in Volkan.
Bir okul içerisinde bir ülke: Türkiye'de Fajr İran Okulu
The Fajr Iranian School has been located in Sultanahmet, in the center of Istanbul, for more than one hundred years, and it has operated as a foreign school continuously since 1882, providing education for the Iranian community in Istanbul. After the Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran, the Fajr Iranian School has become affiliated with the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) in Turkey. This special position of the school, as a government-run school of the Iranian regime located in a foreign country, implies the significance of this school's spatial setting. This thesis is an ethnographic exploration into this spatiality. After presenting a brief history of this educational institution and the Iranian community in Turkey, this thesis argues that the spatial setting of the Fajr Iranian School, examined as an ideological state apparatus that creates a state-centered habitus, plays a significant role in constructing social identities of the Iranian students in Turkey. Furthermore, it shows that these students negotiate their identities differently based on their self-positionings, which are examined through their collective and personal negotiations. On the one hand, the Fajr Iranian School plays a vital role in creating a 'safe' and 'private' space for its students to learn and maintain the culture, history and language around being Iranian in Turkey; on the other hand, it also constitutes a site of struggle due to being a 'closed place' where the symbolic power of the state is differently exercised over its agents as the school aims to exert a dominant Iranian identity. Collective negotiations represent how the students negotiate their identities through a collective group lens. Personal negotiations, however, somehow as counter examples against the image of group identity, prove to be valuable to analyze that there are different positionings of some students in their interpersonal relations within this state-centered habitus. In this way, the thesis shows that, symbolic capitals and levels of symbolic power are prone to shifts for particular groups in the school space