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Kentle başa çıkabilmek: İstanbul'daki kürt genç kadınların taktikleri
This thesis analyzes the coping methods implemented by the Kurdish adolescent women, who live in Dolapdere neighborhood in Istanbul, which is predominantly populated by displaced Kurds. Through using their own narratives and theoretical conceptualizations of Henri Lefebvre and Michel De Certeau, I scrutinize the tactics of the Kurdish adolescent girls to appropriate the urban public space. I argue that there is a spatial variation between the space of Dolapdere and the urban public space outside Dolapdere in terms of the dominant nationalist discourses that oppress the daily lives of these women. In line with these discourses, they apply various tactics that create cleavages and breaks within ideologies and that enable them to develop sense of comfort and belonging to the urban public space of Istanbul. This research opens up a space to interrogate the way second generation migrants of the Kurdish community, Kurdish adolescent girls, construct their subjectivities in the discriminatory environment of the city.
Türk televizyonunda sınıf tasviri: İki drama dizisinin orjinal ve yeni yapımlarının karşılaştırılması
This thesis examines how the lifestyles of different classes are portrayed in two Turkish television series,Aşk-ı Memnu and Yaprak Dökümü, through a comparative analysis of their oldand new versions. Notions of Weber?s social status, Bourdieu?s taste, habitus and field, and Lamont?s analysis of morality were employed to understand how class formations wererepresented in the TV series. In addition, Read (2009) and Lazzarato (2009)?s discussions that follow a Foucauldian analysis were used to explain the relationship between class depictions and neoliberal portrayals in two TV series. Content analysis was utilized to investigate this relationship and analyze the established hypotheses. It was argued that the new versions of the TV series would depict neoliberal values more in higher class lifestyles, and episodes that represented lower class lifestyles would not be affected by the changes in the neoliberal era. In addition, the new versions would not portray the morality of lower class lifestyles less, but adjustthe depiction of upper class lifestyles in accordance with the features of the neoliberal era, due to its promotion of profit-maximization, calculation, self-interest and depoliticization. In a parallel vein, a more extensive of upper class lifestyles was expected in the new versions of the TV series. Significant results in support of the established hypotheses were found only with regards to Aşk-ı Memnu. The ways in which Yaprak Dökümü deviates from the perused literature will bediscussed through its unique narration, and the effects of producers? aim to increase ratings.
İşyeri ve hanehalkı kesişiminde ahlak bekçiliği: Denizli'de kadın fabrika işçileri
This thesis examines how women factory workers in Denizli experience and give meaning to their labor through their household and workplace relations. Based on ethnographic research conducted in three factories in Denizli, which has a relatively high rate of female labor force participation in the country, I argue that women factory workers? subjectivities in the workplace are shaped through their religious practices and moral understandings. This research shows how women workers perform various religious practices in the workplace such as praying, wearing headscarves, attending religious meetings through which they give meaning to their labor. Although justifying their work with references to material needs, women workers also try to negotiate a spiritual existence and confirmation of their work on moral and religious grounds. Factory managements seek to control labor via religious and moral practices such as enforcing gender segregation in the workplace, obligation to wear headscarves, intervention in gender relations and a quest to have control over the private lives of women. While the factory management tries to create productive women workers through moral and religious codes and awards, it acts as a moral guardian by penetrating into their households and emotional world. Yet these top-down tactics do not lead to a total subordination. On the contrary, in their search for spiritual fulfillment, women workers, to a certain extent, both consent to and react against these policies through gossiping and creating discourses on being and acting as ?ideal? religious and moral women. And they also use moral guardianism towards management?s practices and towards co-workers at the level of everyday relationships. With this outlook, they actively construct their own moral interpretations and religious models. I analyze how the articulation of all these practices contributes to the shaping of women?s subjectivities at the intersection of the shop floor and the household as breadwinners, responsible mothers, moral and religious persons and workers.Keywords: manufacturing industry, globalization, women‟s labor, household, workplace relations, labor control, subjectivity, moral guardianism, Islam, Denizli, Turkey.
Geç Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda ipek işçileri: Bursa'nın filatürlerinde toplumsal cinsiyet, emek ve kolektif mücadele
This study provides an examination of the capitalist transformation of the silk industry in Bursa from the viewpoint of its workers. As the Ottoman economy integrated into the world market in the nineteenth century, silk fabric weaving on independent hand looms and artisan workshops declined. Instead, Ottoman and foreign entrepreneurs established many silk-reeling workshops (filatures) in major silk manufacturing centers to meet the demand for raw silk thread from the silk factories in Europe. In order to lower labor costs, these filatures employed young women and children of rural origin, instead of skilled male artisans available in the city. The present study sheds light on the experiences, working conditions and collective struggles of the filature workers in Bursa, a center of silk trade and manufacturing for centuries, based on primary sources including previously untapped archival material. It demonstrates that gender norms which undervalued women?s work in the labor market underlay the boost in local silk production after the 1880s. It presents a challenge to the common argument in the literature that Ottoman women joined the filatures to purchase luxury items for their dowries and suggests that these accounts reflected the perspectives of the factory owners and legitimized the low wages and poor working conditions. Gender ideologies operated not only as instruments of suppression and exploitation, but also as instruments of resistance in Bursa?s silk-reeling sector. During the strike in 1910, the workers mobilized gendered discourses to gather support from the local community and authorities. Lastly, this study presents an analysis of the controversy between the provincial and central government authorities on the labor unrest in 1910 and suggests that the Ottoman State was not a detached entity overarching the struggle between the workers and their employers. Rather, it was one of the grounds upon which this struggle took place. Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Bursa, silk industry, labor activism, labor process, gender
Evliya Çelebi Seyahatnamesi'nde korku: Bir on yedinci yüzyıl Osmanlı Seyahatnamesi'nde siyaset ve tarih yazımı
This thesis explores the narratives of fear in the travelogue of the seventeenth century Ottoman traveler Evliya Çelebi. Evliya Çelebi's uses of the word "fear" (havf) in the Seyahatnâme (the Book of Travels) is examined to understand how this prominent traveler participated in, observed, and commented upon the seventeenth century Ottoman transformations. In this respect, this research focuses on Evliya Çelebi's own fears and the fears of other political actors which he narrated to discuss how different political actors perceived the seventeenth century transformations and what they feared about their world. Evliya Çelebi's own fears are categorized under four titles: the fears of centrifugal subjects, the fears of supernatural beings, the fear of nature, and the fear of God. Then, this study seeks to understand the most fearful figure, a seventeenth century Ottoman pasha, namely İbşir Mustafa Pasha, in Evliya Çelebi's account. Here the aim is to use a first-person narrative, the Seyahatnâme, as a source of history. With this aim, the narratives of fear are compared with contemporary narrative sources like Îsâ-zâde Târîhi, Abdurrahman Abdi Paşa Vekâyi'-Nâmesi, Târih-i Gılmânî, Târih-i Nâ'ima, and Solak-zâde Tarihi. The results of this study are as follows: First, Evliya Çelebi mostly expresses "worldly" fears, such as the fears of robbers and pashas. Therefore specific historical contexts must be considered in studying the subjects of fear, in this case, the seventeenth-century Ottoman state's politics and limits of its hegemony. This thesis has also shown that Evliya Çelebi's choices in his depiction of fear were not shaped solely by his patronage relations and career path. The shifts in Evliya Çelebi's use of the word "fear" in the case of İbşir Mustafa Pasha show that his personal interests and political views also shaped his interpretations of seventeenth-century Ottoman politics. Keywords: Evliya Çelebi, the Seyahatnâme, fear, havf, the history of emotions, first - person narrative, İbşir Mustafa Pasha, the seventeenth century, transformation, state
Türkiye'de çokkültürcülük: Kültürel çeşitlilik tahayyülleri ve bir açmaz olarak tanıma
This thesis examines how ordinary Turkish citizens perceive and respond to changes throughout the last decade in the cultural politics of the Turkish state regarding the Kurdish question. Based on in-depth interviews with fourteen Turkish Sunni-Muslim individuals, I aim to understand how collective belonging and otherness is imagined by subjects of the dominant identity and what do these narratives tell about identity-based structural inequalities in Turkey. Setting neoliberal multiculturalism as the analytical framework of the study, I take recognition to be a governmental project to reconstruct the political community within the rhetoric of unity-in-diversity. Three pivotal mechanisms of government are discerned to be in operation: Culturalization of politics; demarcation of the public and private spheres as respectively realms of universality and particularity; and differentiation between desirable and undesirable subjectivities via the neoliberal trope of responsible-moral citizen. The resulting explanatory scheme is the conundrum of recognition, intended to delineate that recognition of the Kurdish identity goes hand in hand with its denial according to the extent to which difference is politicized by the Other. Second, this conundrum is daily experienced by Turkish subjects in such ways that Turkishness is affectively reproduced in everyday encounters with the manifestations of Kurdishness, whereby the latter is fantasized as disrupting the otherwise possible wholeness of the nation. It is the main argument of the study that within the institutional, discursive and affective ground at hand, nationalism is functioning in more effective ways to undermine the right-claims of Kurds when coevally reproducing the normativity of Turkishness in the face of politicized group difference.
Göçmen işçinin bedeninin inşası: Federal Almanya'nın 1961 ve 1973 yılları arasında Türkiye'den gelen göçmen işçilerine uyguladığı sağlık muayenesi
This thesis focuses on a distinct moment of Federal Germany's recruitment of migrant labour in the period from 1961 to 1973: the medical selection examinations of labour migrant applicants from Turkey. These examinations, which aimed at the selection of physically fit and healthy labour migrants for the West German labour market, were conducted by West German health officers in so-called 'German recruitment offices' in Istanbul and Ankara between 1961 and 1973. Drawing on in-depth interviews with former labour migrants and examining physicians as well as on a discourse analysis of primary sources dating from the period in question, I concentrate on the question of how in relation to the requirements of industrial labour and public health politics the body of the labour migrant was shaped and defined in the medical examinations. Combining concepts taken from the work of Foucault, constructionist body theory and disability studies, I trace how certain conceptualisations of the labour migrant's body emerged along the lines of health, disease, bodily ability and disability. Furthermore, I analyse how this construction process of the body overlapped in various ways with notions of race and gender. I argue that these examinations were no neutral scientific endeavour. Rather, in accordance with industrial requirements and national health politics, they served as a selection procedure combining inclusionary and exclusionary power mechanisms with the logic of risk management to rationalise, normalise and commodify the labour migrant's body.
Türkiye'deki beden eğitimi sisteminde bedenin tanımlanması (1969-1983)
This thesis focuses on the physical education classes during the initial Ministry of Youth and Sport period (1969-1983) in Turkey from a sociology of the body point of view. Based on a discourse analysis of primary sources and in-depth interviews with physical education teachers and students, this study argues that the founding of the Ministry reflected not only an organizational, but also a discursive shift in the way the body and physical education were defined. As physical education and the body are dynamic, malleable, and ambiguous concepts, this thesis historicizes them and investigates the meanings attached to them by different sites of meaning production. With a theoretical framework that combines social constructionism and existential phenomenology it also uncovers how the bodies in physical education classes experienced, sensed and felt themselves and their surroundings. At least six different ways the body was defined in this period are identified, which are the mindful, mechanistic, nationalist, militarized, gendered, and disabled bodies. Although some of these bodies contrast each other, they existed simultaneously. This was made possible in relation to the needs of power centers, as how physical education and the body were defined enabled these centers to control, mold, and survey the bodies according to their social, political, and economic needs.
Osmanlı halı sanayisinin bir analizi, 1843 - 1914: İşçiler, tüccarlar ve devlet
This study examines the carpet industry across Asia Minor during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It shows that various Central and Western Anatolian towns such as Uşak, Kayseri, Isparta, Niğde, Nevşehir and Sivas were significant carpet production centers working in close cooperation with each other. It also reveals that beginning in the mid-19th century, demand for the Ottoman Empire's carpets thrived in the foreign markets and this sparked various transformations in the industry. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the industry became increasingly export-oriented and this development caused significant changes in the carpet production industry, altered traditional production methods and existing relations of productions. It examines how workers and local merchants reacted to these changes and how they took part in this restructuring. This study also demonstrates that the Ottoman state also played a role in the transformations that took place in the carpet industry. Last, the present analysis aims to make the experiences of female carpet workers visible, who constituted the majority of the carpet industry's work force. It investigates what kinds of gender ideologies were at play in regulating the female carpet workers' relationship with the state and how these ideologies influenced female workers' daily and work experiences. It argues that, especially during the reign of Abdülhamid II (r. 1876-1909), the Ottoman government demonstrated a patriarchal attitude towards female workers, in which a father-daughter kind of a relationship was established between the female workers and the state. Keywords: Ottoman Empire, carpet industry, gender and labor, Uşak, Kayseri, the Hereke Imperial Factory, labor activism
Muhalefet ve iktidar: Türkiye'de devletin İslamcı eleştirisinin 1990'lardan bu yana dönüşümü
This thesis explores the transformation of the Islamic political thought in Turkey since the 1990s from a dissenting ideology which criticizes the existing state establishment to a state-centric worldview integrated into the existing political system. The study focusses on an Islamic political magazine of the 1990s, Yeni Zemin, and the later writings of its major authors who are key members of the Islamic intelligentsia in Turkey. The thesis argues that although the moderation of Islamist critique of the state establishment can be traced back to the aftermath of February 28 military intervention, the longevity of the AKP rule and the party's ability to integrate both different Islamic social groups and Muslim intellectuals into the existing socio-political system is more decisive in the ideological moderation process. The content-based analysis of the writings of Muslim intellectuals covers three different periods. First, the Islamic political thought of the mid-1990s is explored through a close reading of Yeni Zemin whose main editorial line revolves around offering a radical opposition to the existing political system by invoking liberal democratic concepts. Second, a scrutiny of the writings of major Yeni Zemin authors in the aftermath of February 28 (1998-2004) singles out this event and its aftermath as the starting point of the moderation of the Islamist critique of the state. Finally, the same intellectuals are examined in the period between 2008 and 2014 in which the AKP consolidated its political power as Turkey's ruling party. The analysis shows that the duration of the AKP rule brings forth the crystallization of ideological moderation among intellectuals close to the party.
Kürt kadınlarının yerel siyasete katılımı: Nusaybin örneği
This thesis focuses on the political participation of Kurdish women in Nusaybin. Based both on an analysis of programs and statutes of pro-Kurdish political parties, and in-depth interviews conducted in Nusaybin with politically active women, this thesis claims that the political mobilization of Kurdish women cannot be solely explained by the new opportunities provided by the Kurdish political movement since this leaves women, who do not join the movement, out of our sight. Instead, this study argues that, along with the Kurdish movement's gender policies, women's very own struggle is essential in explaining Kurdish women's participation in local politics. Furthermore, this thesis attempts to reveal the impact of ideology and the Kurdish movement's gender policy on women's political participation within a dialogue with the social movements, new social movements, and cultural opportunity structure literatures. The analysis of the interviews is structured so that they reflect women's experiences in politics and the relationships these women establish with various actors in Nusaybin's political arena such as politically active men, the state, and the municipality. Although individual stories of women reflect a change in gender roles brought by their engagement with politics, a significant transformation of gender roles in Nusaybin seems still far from sight.
İstanbul'daki feminist avukatlar: Hukuksal olanla hukuksal olmayan arasındaki sınırlar üzerine yeniden düşünmek
This thesis scrutinizes the inclusion, approaches, and roles of feminist lawyers in İstanbul to the legal field through law-making and litigation processes. Although feminist lawyers are trained in law, which claims itself to be neutral and equally distant to all citizens, they do not only exist as legal experts and lawyers in the legal field, but also as activists. This study demonstrates that feminist lawyers maintain their struggle without abandoning any of the three (legal expertise, lawyering, activism) and their existence harbors unique potentials and conundrums, without adhering to binary oppositions between lawyering and activism, and the legal and non-legal. Based on the interviews with feminist lawyers and observations in the meetings with women's organizations, first, I historicize how law is constituted as a field of struggle by women. By doing so, I explain how law became a modifiable and highly-contested field of struggle, as well as women's different focuses and modes of solidarity. Following that, I trace how feminist lawyers' legal expertise, lawyering experiences, and activism intermingle throughout their relations with state institutions, authorities, and developments in the transnational arena. Lastly, I elaborate how they maintain their activism and lawyering in the court rooms, along with their experiences and strategies.
İstanbul'da yaşayan işçi sınıfı hanelerinin proleterleşme süreçleri ve yeterlililik düzeyinde ürettikleri geçim stratejileri
This study analyzes the proletarianization processes of low-income families who are migrated to İstanbul in different periods and depicts how it is possible for low-income households by only relying heavily on subsistence activities to prosper in İstanbul in the harsh conditions of neoliberalism. This thesis takes the household as a unit of analysis and draws out its conclusions by focusing on the life-stories of both female and male adult members of the households. The existing literature argues that the social transfers provided by the state and extended family members of the household, options for obtaining non-wage incomes and informal housing opportunities are the prominent social and economic mechanisms that ease the adaptation process of families, confers the chances of getting by in the city and also has a substantial impact on the proletarianization process of low-income households. The empirical findings of this thesis allows for testing the relevance of these assumptions for low-income families residing in İstanbul in the last decade. This thesis argues that the migration period has a minor impact in terms experiencing proletarianization. Supplemental non-wage income related activities and informal housing options has depleted in İstanbul for low-income families. The social transfers mostly provided by the state have a partial contribution in the household economy. The primary sources for low-income households to prosper in the city has become wage related activities, capacity to increase level of indebtedness and maintenance of the reproduction of the household unit which is done by female members of the households. Keywords: Household, Migration period, Proletarianization, Neoliberalism, Wage work, Indebtedness, The role of women
İhtiyatlı talip: Leonid Ilyiç Brejnev ve Kremlin'de siyaset sanatı
This study investigates the role of Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev in the 1964 Coup and his consolidation of power after the ouster of Nikita Sergeyevich Khrushchev. Mostly under the influence of the stagnation interpretation of his rule, Brezhnev's role in the Khrushchev's removal was underestimated, and he was depicted as a mediocre politician who could not take any important decision without consulting his colleagues. However, it is necessary to make a division between the "early" and "late" Brezhnevs. He was in power for eighteen years and suffered serious health problems; thus it is very natural that his deteriorated health affected his performance and policy-making role in his last nine years in power. Hence, I analyze the "early" Brezhnev to understand how he overthrew his patron in 1964 and consolidated his power by eliminating his rivals over almost one decade. Contrary to the general view depicting Brezhnev as a vain and weak figure, he was one of the main initiators of the 1964 coup and able to keep power skillfully almost until his death.
Yeşilçam melodramlarında sakatlık metaforu ve normun kuruluşu (1960-1980)
This study seeks to problematize the recurring images of disability in Yeşilçam melodramas produced between the years 1960-1980, a period known as the "golden age" of Yeşilçam film-making. After determining the number of films with disabled protagonists and main plotlines which make use of stereotypical representations of the disabled characters, the study sets out to relate the frequency of these images to the socio-historical context of production and to the genre itself. The study first situates the sensational effect disabled imagery musters in the narrative structure and genre conventions. In order to analyze how such sensation is evoked and how the disability is rendered a metaphor, the study then situates the meanings attached to disability within the eugenicist discourse of Kemalist modernization project. The film analyses presented in this study suggest that it is the fusion of the Yeşilçam melodramas narrative framework and the meanings assigned to gender roles and to body that render the melodramatic disability legible, relatable and sensational. The study asserts that aside from the versatile functionality that figurative disability provides within the narrative structure and aesthetics of melodrama genre, images of disability in intricate relationship with images of sexuality in Yeşilçam melodramas both delineate and transgress the norms set forth by nationalist modernization project, by standing for absolute and immutable difference.
Sağlık ve varlık arayışında iş-yaşam sınırının bulanıklaşması: Türkiye'de ağ pazarlama örneği
This thesis focuses on a qualitative analysis of a network direct selling organization (DSO) – a form of multilevel marketing which sells its products through a network of distributors. Through a case study of a DSO in Turkey marketing nutritional supplements and weight management products, this thesis explores the labor process, forms of labor control, and formation of distributors' subjectivities. Firstly, by looking at the practices of consuming, advertising, selling and recruiting, it demonstrates that social relations and bodies of the DSO employees are integrated into the capital accumulation process to a very significant extent. Secondly, it investigates how direct sellers reconstitute themselves as neoliberal, autonomous and desiring subjects. Finally, this study scrutinizes self-control and network surveillance mechanisms, which help to keep direct sellers active in the labor process.
Çin-Pakistan ekonomik koridorunun politikaları
China's presence in the Global South has increased dramatically in a span of a decade. The discourse of mutual benefit and nonintervention has found huge attraction in the developing world that is now facing the consequences of Western interventions. However, to what extent does Chinese engagement in the developing world stays true to these principles needs to be evaluated in terms of its effects on the political economic structures of the host nations. To this end, I propose a framework to understand the implications of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor on the political economic structure of Pakistan. This thesis begins with an investigation of the history and dynamics of China's development and internationalization, the political economic structure of Pakistan (specifically in the areas of industrialization and infrastructure development), and different forms of foreign assistance that Pakistan has received over the years. This thesis then analyzes how China and CPEC interacts with the political economic realities of Pakistan. Firstly, the study Pakistan's history of regionalism shows that over the years, developmental mission of the central state has created deep-seated regionalism in Pakistan. My study shows that CPEC is deepening such cleavages. The regionalist forces have opposed the project in two broad ways: through demanding greater share in the project or through completely rejecting the interventions. Secondly, I analyze the lop-sided civil-military relations in Pakistan and conclude that Chinese engagement in Pakistan is leading to a tighter control of military over civilian and economic matters relating to CPEC. Lastly, based on the case study of Sahiwal Power Project, and my historical analysis of state-labor relations in Pakistan and China's industrialization model, I conclude that CPEC means little for the working class of Pakistan. The informalized and unskilled labor workforce of Pakistan has found its place only in the construction stages of the CPEC projects. Keywords: China, Pakistan, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative, South-South Cooperation, Infrastructure, Military, Regionalism, Labor.
Türkiyedeki aile hekimliği uygulamasına hekim-hasta ilişkileri üzerinden bakmak aile hekimlerinin görüşleri üzerinden
Bu araştırma İstanbul'da aile hekimi olarak çalışmış ya da çalışmakta olan 18 hekimle yapılan mülakatlar ve iki farklı Aile Sağlığı merkezinde gerçekleştirilen gözlem temel alınarak yapılmıştır. Araştırmanın amacı, birinci basamak sağlık hizmetlerinde gerçekleştirilen radikal değişime aile hekimlerinin nasıl yaklaştığını araştırmaktır. Aile Hekimliği Uygulaması'yla beraber, pratisyen hekimler, verilen kısa eğitimler neticesinde aile hekimi oldular ve hem yönetici hem de hekimlik yapmak üzere, Aile Sağlığı Merkezleri'nde çalışmaya başladılar. Sorumluluklarına idari ve yönetimsel bir takım görevler eklendi ve böylece, tek görevleri hekimlik olmaktan çıktı. Aile hekimleri bir taraftan yönetimsel ve ekonomik otonomi kazanırken; diğer taraftan da özerklik kaybı tartışmalarına neden olan performans sistemiyle aile hekiminin emeği artan bir denetime tabii tutuldu. Öte yandan, Sağlıkta Dönüşüm Programı sonrasındaki Yeni Kamu Yönetimi uygulamaları ve Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin sağlıktaki popülist politikaları ile birlikte, hasta hakları ve hasta memnuniyetine verilen önem arttı. Böylece hastalar tüketiciye/müşteriye dönüşürken, birinci basamaktaki hekim ve hasta ilişkileri de yeniden şekillendi. Bu tez, sağlık hizmetlerindeki bu neoliberal ve popülist girişimlerin, aile hekimlerinin görüşleri doğrultusunda, Aile Sağlığı Merkezleri'ndeki gündelik rutini ve hekim-hasta ilişkisini nasıl etkilediğini göstermeye çalışmaktadır.
Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda medrese öğrencilerinin askere alınma meselesi
This study examines the issue of the military service of religious students in the Ottoman Empire. Students enrolled in medreses could gain exemption from service. In the first decades of the system, religious students had to pass an annual "conscription examination" before a commission of officials in order to receive their exemption. In 1892, Sultan Abdulhamid II suspended these examinations and granted all religious students indefinite exemption. On the surface, this measure was taken in response to the public resentment caused by an attempt by the authorities in Istanbul to deport religious students from the provinces. However, this thesis argues that the policy of exemption was part of the regime's strategy. It was meant to gain popular support in the face of growing opposition in the 1890s. The policy of indefinite exemption was reversed after the Young Turks rose to power with a vision of strict social control. This triggered much resentment and resistance among the religious students and were a major factor in their participation in an uprising in the imperial capital in April 1909, known as the 31 March Incident. This thesis argues that the suppression of the uprising gave the new regime the opportunity to solidify its strict control over society. As such, this is a study of the evolution of Ottoman state-society relations through the lens of the religious students' military service. However, it also shows that the Ottoman state was not monolithic. Instead, different branches of the state sought to pursue their own agenda.
Yeni orta sınıf velilerin Türk eğitim sistemi alanında sınıfsal yeniden üretim stratejileri
This study aims to reveal the class strategies of the new middle class (NMC) parents in the field of Turkish education system in Istanbul. The NMC parents engage in schooling process to increase academic success, and social mobility chances of their children as education is a central sustaining mechanism of class reproduction from the perspectives of middle class families. Schooling is an overemphasized practice for parents in their struggle to protect class privilege in the broader social and economic context in which middle-class identities of families are continuously under threat. The lack of the sense of security, the tension of high cultural capital with the shaky ground of economic capital, appear as significant determinants of the relationship between NMC parents, children, and education. The rapid and immense privatization of education contributed to the sense of insecurity and worries of NMC parents for their children's social mobility. Against this background, this study focuses on the reproduction strategies of the NMC parents. Drawing on three years of in-depth interviews with the students and parents from a middle class background, it first shows that NMC parents strategically enroll their children in a public school in a gated community and transform the schools through their available resources rather than paying for private schools. In doing so, they create "private-school-like spaces" in public schools together with other NMC parents. In other words, by doing so, parents from similar socioeconomic background creates a more homogenous school environment where they can interfere and transform conditions and opportunities of the school by using their resources. The study also documents how NMC parents engage in their children's schooling and organize the childrearing process as a whole to empower mobility chances of their children. In exploring these issues, the study particularly reveals the strategic use of the intergenerational closure, relations among parents, lobbying activities by this group. Key Words: class strategies, education, new middle class, privatization, school choice.
Sakatlık ve anneliği yeniden düşünmek: Sağır çocukları olan annelerin deneyimleri
The welfare and healthcare structures and hegemonic social and cultural discourses in Turkey inform mothers' understandings of deafness. First, by laying out mothers' experiences of medical procedures including diagnoses, hearing tests, hearing aids and cochlear implantation in settings such as hospitals, rehabilitation services, and schools, this thesis examines how mothers make sense of disability in their encounters with medical and rehabilitative experts, school teachers, doctors and family members. Second, this thesis also examines how mothering experience is transformed in relation to caring experience. I investigate mothers' experiences at two levels: I examine the mechanisms through which mothers are reproduced as the main caregiver for disabled children and how mothers, doctors, medical and rehabilitative experts, teachers and family members reproduce the idea that women are the primary caregivers for the disabled. Second, I tease out how inadequate healthcare services and unequal division of care labor in the family push these women to engage in public advocacy concerning the rights of their disabled children. Drawing on the mothers' advocacy work in the "Association for Families" (AF), which was founded by mothers in 2004, I analyze how mothers translate their own difficulties in medical and educational settings into a struggle for improved services.
Tanzimat kurumları aracılığıyla pazarlık: Geç Dönem Osmanlı imparatorluğunda Bosna Meclis-i Umumisi örneği
This thesis examines the consolidation of the Bosnian General Council after the promulgation of the Provincial Regulation in 1867. It focuses on relations between the council representatives and different segments of the state mechanism—local state officials and the Council of State or Conseil d'État (Şura-yı Devlet)—in the form of requests, offers and responses negotiating the resolution of socio-economic, educational, security-related, and infrastructural problems. The study considers the relevance to council functioning of socio-spatial contexts and historical temporalities—including a comparison of the Bosnian council with those of Crete, Sivas, and Trabzon—and looks at the functioning of the council in terms of its role as a modernizing institution of governance. Set in the context of the adaptation of the region and (newly created) province of Bosnia to the Tanzimat reforms, the general council was established with the aim of promoting development in the territory. The provincial councils are generally overlooked in the literature because of their lack of executive powers, yet the council in Bosnia is here found to have been a significant administrative organ that functioned quite well, both in terms on the program of imperial administration and in tacking immediate problems. Although some deeper, structural issues were avoided, the strategic location of this province effectively gave the council representatives considerable leverage with the center. This becomes evident in the comparative case study with the differences between the four provinces considered; indeed, various dependent variables shaped the agendas and fortunes of these councils. Regarding the pressing issue of civic and infrastructural development in the struggling empire, this research also claims that the council in Bosnia acted as a state-supported institution for the replacement of the deficient waqfs and Ayans, which had been losing ground during the nineteenth century as a result of the empire-wide financial reforms aimed at fiscal centralization. Inspection of the specific cases adjudged by the Bosnian council reveals that it promoted a donation-based economy for local development by dividing the burden of projects among many rather than a few. This enabled the central government to undermine the local powerholders, making the Ottoman central government a major actor in Bosnia's development through its controlling mechanism. Finally, therefore, this study presents a challenge to the standard assumption that the provincial general councils were ineffective and unimportant institutions. Keywords: Bosnia, the Tanzimat, provincial general councils, Ottoman central administration, infrastructural development, negotiation.
Türkiye'de Kürtaj: Gebelik kaybı sürecine doğum-teşvik politikaları ve sağlık çalışanları üzerinden bakmak
This thesis aims to explore women's voluntary and involuntary abortion experiences in Turkey. Based on participant observation in a private clinic for over six months and 13 interviews with medical professionals and women who experienced spontaneous abortion, this study aims to shed light on the political and social factors that inform pregnancy loss process. To reveal the political factors, I analyse the population policies, legal amendments on reproduction in Turkey, and pronatal discourses of Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) in contemporary Turkey. In addition to this, I explore how medical professionals' ethical approach towards abortion inform this process. Although legal code in Turkey allows women to have voluntary abortion in ten weeks of gestation, a great majority of the clinicians avoid performing voluntary abortion because of their moral stance towards abortion. Therefore, secondly, through an ethnographic research in a private hospital, I investigate how personal position of the obstetricians, delivery midwives and nurses can inform their medical practices. Lastly, I analyse women's narratives of pregnancy loss, their perceptions on motherhood and reproduction, and their relations with their bodies during post-pregnancy loss period.
Geç dönem Osmanlı Irakında emprovizasyon ve teknoloji arasında sulama: Hindiye Barajı 1890-1914
This thesis examines the role of irrigation practices in the Ottoman centralization attempts in Iraq between the years 1890 and 1914. It questions the ways in which the irrigation infrastructures served and/or opposed the political and economic interests of the Ottoman central power in the Iraqi provinces. In doing so, the research focuses on the Hindiya Barrage which was one of the largest-scale irrigation projects across the Ottoman Middle East in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The thesis basically examines the building process of the Barrage from the point of view of the Ottoman state, benefiting from official correspondence, local petitions, in addition to some British newspapers, and the memoirs of the Ottoman-Iraqi officials in order to trace the dynamics of the center-periphery and state-society relationships. Moreover, this study aims to bring an environmental perspective to the ways in which water resources were organized and used by the Ottoman administration through the construction of the Barrage.