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Bir mahallede iki dünyanın buluşması: İstanbul, Yenimahalle'de göç alan toplum üyeleri ve Afgan işçilerin ilişkileri
This study aims to contribute to the issue of undocumented Afghan labor immigration in Turkey by looking at the intergroup relations between immigrants and receiving society members with a sociological perspective. A squatter neighborhood in Istanbul, Yenimahalle, is selected as the research field because of the increasing number of undocumented Afghan labor immigrants in this neighborhood. The perceptions, attitudes, and interactions of the groups are analyzed to understand the intergroup relations. Data of the study is obtained from a total of 24 semi-structured and face-to-face interviews conducted in Yenimahalle neighborhood; 12 with the receiving society members and 12 with the Afghan immigrants. The findings of the study suggest that the receiving society members and Afghan immigrants perceive each other as two distinct groups, which are positioned in social hierarchy asymmetrically. While receiving society members feel pity towards immigrants and commonly commit violence against them, immigrants feel gratitude towards receiving society members and generally stay silent as a survival strategy. As a shared feeling, it is observed that these groups feel fear and anxiety toward each other. Other findings of the study suggest that there is limited social interaction between groups, and the social distance between groups has emerged as the consequence of the temporality of the immigrants, perceived cultural differences between groups, and singlehood and gender of the immigrants.
Türkiye'de parti içi demokrasi: Teori, görünüm ve sorunlar
This thesis aims to analyse the theory of internal party democracy (IPD) and mainly tries to show hypothetical connection between broad political problems of Turkey and party-level ones. The main question of this thesis is whether there is connection between wider problems of Turkish Politics and party-level ones or not. To answer this, the thesis firstly explains the importance of political parties for democracies by showing that the political parties are requisites for consolidated democracies. Secondly, the study explains why 'internal party democracy' is a need for consolidated democracy and what 'internal party democracy' means by focusing on different components which are participation, representation, competition, autonomy and transparency as core values. Thirdly, the analytical framework of this study has been developed by using Rahat and Shapira's Internal Party Democracy Index (2017) to create Turkey-specific methodology. Justice and Development Party (AKP), Republican People's Party (CHP), Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), People's Democratic Party (HDP) and Good Party (İP) are analyzed by applying this framework with 5 different components. The study has introduced that each political party has different strengths and weaknesses related to the components of internal party democracy and resulted in having different levels of IPD for each political party. Nevertheless, this study has also found out that wider political problems of Turkey are also same at the political party-level.
Optimal vergilendirme alanında makaleler
The mismatch between wealth level and entrepreneurial ability creates productive inefficiency in the market and under financial frictions, the credit market may not be able to solve this problem. In such a world, decreasing wealth inequality with capital taxation might be helpful in bringing the economy to its production possibilities frontier but capital taxation is costly as it distorts wealth creation. I derive optimal capital tax formulas that reflect this trade-off between productive efficiency benefit and wealth accumulation cost of capital taxes. With numerical analysis, I show that when the mismatch is high, government tends to intervene in the economy more and optimal capital taxes are higher. Also, having a lower elasticity of labor with respect to wage for agents leads to higher optimal taxation rate.
Ne senle, ne de sensiz: Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinde kimlik söylemlerindeki değişimler
The long history of EU-Turkey relations paved Turkey's path towards membership in 2005, though she is still a candidate country. After 2013, the stagnated relationship between the two increased the emphasis on strategic partnership more than membership, while less emphasis was given to ideational factors in the literature. In addition, the role of ideational factors in the EU's enlargement policy remains understudied. To contribute to the literature, this study aims to explain the shift in discourses of identity through a discourse-historical analysis (DHA) of the EU's identity-based approaches towards Turkey between 2013 and 2016 based on the social constructivist theory. Guided by the literature between 1999 and 2013, this thesis observes the themes through which Europeanness and Turkishness were constructed as a result of certain milestones in the relations. Taking 2013 as a major milestone because of the Gezi Park Protests and corruption investigations in Turkey which increased the EU's concerns on Turkey's democratic status, it is possible to observe the shifts in discourses of identity by analyzing 18 parliamentary debates on Turkey in the European Parliament which is a strong influencer in the EU's enlargement policy. The analysis shows that Turkey was perceived as the EU's geographical, cultural, historical, religious and civilizational other before 2013. In addition, Turkey was also presented as an acceding state to the EU which had democratic and territorial disputes. Between 2013 and 2016, Turkey was mostly perceived as the EU's undemocratic other, while religious, civilizational and geographical discourses were still present.
Yardım alan ülkeden "yeni donör" ülkeye: Türkiye dış yardımının yeni yörüngesi
The recent emergence of 'new' aid donors on the international scene has raised questions about their real motivations and the implications their presence will have on the traditional aid scenario. Hence, the debate over the role and the impact of "emerging donors" are becoming increasingly intense. There has been varying opinions towards those new actors of international aid community. This thesis, reviews the global aid system and its changes, having as focus the role of rising power and humanitarian state Turkey in this scenario, the country's motives, and the implications of the new role of Turkey as a new aid donor from a former aid recipient. It analyzes Turkey's motivations for embarking on this path and the international and domestic contexts in which this shift occurred. In other words, this study is concerned with the evolution of Turkey's humanitarianism.
ABD'de göçmen işçilerin vize kategorisine göre çıktıları
This paper tries to understand the skill differentials of immigrants in the U.S. whose year of immigration is between 1972 and 2000 by using multiple micro level data sets. We mainly focus on multiple effects which determines skill and age levels of immigrants, namely country and visa composition effect. Our results indicate that the skill differentials between employment and visa categories is related to selectivity of employment visa category rather than the differences in regional compositions. After establishing this fact, we examine whether this selection yields beneficial labor market outcomes for immigrants. It is empirically shown that employment visa holders perform much better for all six labor market outcomes which are earned income, wage income, employment status, labor force participation status, poverty status, and English ability.
Ekonomik oy verme ve yurt içi ve uluslararası referans noktalarının göreceli önemi
This thesis examines the substitutive nature of the effects of relative domestic and international economic growth on incumbent vote share by using an extended crossnational dataset. The findings suggest that the positive marginal effect of relative domestic growth (international growth) on incumbent vote share is stronger when relative international growth (domestic growth) is lower. In other words, the use of domestic and international reference points by incumbents varies depending on the relative importance of these reference points. An equally important question this thesis seeks to answer is whether opponent party strength and ideological divergence between the opponent and the incumbent party are significant determinants of incumbent support. The empirical analyses suggest that opponent strength and party polarization have significant effects on incumbent vote share, but only after passing some threshold and for some particular economic conditions. Moreover, I check the validity of my findings from cross-national analyses in a case study on Turkey by employing individual-level data. The main findings from the in-depth case study reveal that partisan attitudes formed in the early political socialization process rather than economic evaluations determine voters' party preferences. On the other hand, economic evaluations have a positive and significant impact on incumbent vote for voters with weak partisan attachment to the AK Party. However, since the number of those people is very small, we cannot talk about a substantive significance of economic evaluations on incumbent vote.
İstanbul'da bulunan fahişelerin Geç Osmanlı Dönemi'ndeki yaşamlarının Ahmed Midhat Efendi ve Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar romanları üzerinden bir değerlendirmesi
This thesis aims to evaluate prostitutes in the late Ottoman Istanbul through the novels of Ahmed Midhat Efendi and Hüseyin Rahmi Gürpınar who were popular novelists in their time and aim to educate people through their novels. First, prostitution in Istanbul during this time and the state's regulation attempts are illustrated, then how Hüseyin Rahmi and Ahmed Midhat Efendi described prostitutes in their novels and their approaches toward them are assessed. The main objective of the study is to compare these two approaches and evaluate how these approaches were shaped by their world view and contemporary intellectual issues such as modernization, marriage, the place of women in the society and education of women.
Değişim ya da devamlılık? Suriye krizi sonrası Türkiye ve Almanya'nın göçmen entegrasyon modellerinin karşılaştırmalı incelemesi
This study aimed to explore the effects of the Syrian refugee crisis on the immigrant integration policies and hence the national models of Turkey and Germany. It tried to assess whether there is a continuity or divergence in the policies after 2011. It also tried to match the two countries with one of the immigrant integration models discussed in the literature. Accordingly, only legal measures were examined based on the immigrant integration indices. Laws and regulations were analysed in terms of eight main elements of integration and the indicators for each element. The results show that anti-discrimination and political participation rights are not covered by neither of the countries, suggesting a segregationist approach. German policies enacted after 2011 predominantly focus on access to labor market, language and cultural learning and partially health while Turkish policies address regulations on permanent residence, education and family reunion, more so than others. German immigrant integration policies seem to reflect assimilationism more explicitly, compared to other models due to the emphasis on cultural learning and cultural conformity. The Turkish case, too, reflects assimilationist elements as well as segregationist ones, due to policies favouring only certain types of immigrants. The new legal adjustments indicate both continuities and divergences with the past for both countries.
Mağduriyet siyasetinde fail sorunu: Nietzsche, Arendt ve Foucault
Victimhood as socio-political construction of a collective identity and as a rising phenomenon in politics especially in democracies has been problematized by many scholars in regard to the problem of agency. Although the politics of victimhood corresponds to a search for political recognition and correspondingly signifies political agency, the specific kind of relationships it produces carry the risk to result in undercut of agency. There are a number of researches on the functions and consequences of the politics of victimhood, however there is a gap in the literature in terms of examining it in Political Theory at length. In this thesis, the problem of agency in the politics of victimhood is examined under the theoretical framework of Nietzsche, Arendt, and Foucault in order both to investigate the relevancy of the problematizations about the functions and consequences of the politics of victimhood as dangers of undermining agency and to generate new approaches to overcome victimhood and the problem of agency. The analyses present creative values and political action along with different understandings of power, identity, and freedom as to enhance agency and to overcome victimhood.