Theses supervised by Doç. Dr. Ali Aslan
10 theses · Ibn Haldun University
An alliance of the century: The diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Eswatini and the Republic of China (Taiwan)
What exactly does the term "loyal ally" mean in international relations? This is a concept that is often referred to, but whose conceptualization is often less explored. The task of this dissertation, ambitious as it may be, is to take a look at the concept of loyalty in international relations through the lens of a case study that is baffling to many mainstream theorists who would be quick to assign to it the label of "exception to the rule." In the year 2022, the Kingdom of Eswatini and the Republic of China (Taiwan) celebrated fifty-five years of 'friendship,' as they dubbed it, an anniversary of an alliance that has stood the test of time even in the current geopolitical context. The rise of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has come with many transitions in the international system, one of the most significant being its alliance formation activities within the continent of Africa. Despite China's overtures, Eswatini has maintained its allegiance with Taiwan, even when the handful of its regional neighbors that Taiwan had left switched their allegiance to the People's Republic of China (PRC), and the question is why? This research seeks to submit the concept of loyalty as an ideational unit-level factor as fitting to this case and as a complementary explanation to mainstream theoretical frameworks that deserve further focus. By engaging in an exercise of thematic analysis, this thesis reveals the patterns and narratives within various interactions between the two states that indicate the loyalty between them. This body of work is a dedication and contribution to small-state foreign policy theories and to the political studies of Eswatini, two fields that are in dire need of being academically and analytically investigated in the field of international relations.
Dissimulation and survival: A comparative inquiry into the motivations, implications, and problems of identity concealment among Shi'i, Ahmadi, and Sufi Muslims
The topic of dissimulation, in thought and practice, sparks debate and controversy among Muslims. Different perspectives exist on how Shi'a, Ahmadi, and Sufi Muslims define, interpret, criticize, and apply dissimulation to their beliefs. This study digs into the reasons behind why these groups practice dissimulation and how they justify it within the context of Islamic teachings on hypocrisy and sincerity. Drawing upon social identity theory, rational choice theory, identity theory, and others, this research aims to construct a conceptual framework that explains the motivations behind the practice of dissimulation by these Muslim groups. I argued that dissimulation should be viewed as a strategic tool employed for purposes of social integration, safety measures, and the preservation of identity. Through interviews with 15 participants representing Shia, Ahmadi, and Sufi groups and an exploration of existing literature in this area, this study challenges dominant perceptions surrounding dissimulation. The findings of this research suggest that dissimulation goes beyond being simply hypocritical or insincere; rather, it emerges as a strategic and diplomatic tool for navigating one's sense of self within social and political contexts. The insights gained from this research call for a reevaluation of how we understand the concept of dissimulation.
The international system or the state: What is the source of Turkey's national interest
This study examines the concept of national interest, which is defined as a guide that directs the foreign policy behaviors of states, at the level of the international system. The study basically claims that the stability and instability processes of the international system in a cyclical process are the main source that determines the interests of the nations. According to this claim, the international structure and order, which are the components of the stable international system, will build a certainty on the interests and behaviors of the states in the system. In other words, it can be assumed that the dominance of international systemic forces will shape or constrain the decision-making processes of states. Conversely, unstable international systems can be defined as periods that there is a high degree of uncertainty in world politics due to challenges to the established international structure and order. In such periods, it can be stated that systemic uncertainties will alleviate the pressure on states, and thus, the power capacities of states will be the main factor to determine the source of national interests. In this context, the thesis is basically divided into three parts. First, the literature review reveals other alternative approaches that can be considered as a source of national interest. The second part, on the other hand, discusses the stable and unstable periods of the international system, which is the main subject of the thesis, and explores how and in what way these periods affect the national interests of the states. The third part of the thesis examines the Turkish foreign policy from 1999 to 2020 and exhibits the role of two distinct periods of the international system in determining the interests of nations. Keywords: Instability, International System, National Interest, Stability, Turkish Foreign Policy
Western Sahara and SADR: A bidding war for international recognition in a transitional world order
Since its foundation in 1973, the Polisario Front has been calling for the "liberation" of Western Sahara and the establishment of an independent Sahrawi state in the region. While this was faced with unyielding opposition from Morocco, which laid a fait-accompli claim over approximately 80% of the territory in October 1975, the Front proceeded -with the help of Algeria- to declare the establishment of a state in its controlled part of the territory. From the outset, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic successfully garnered international recognition , accumulating up to 84 states at its peak. This recognition reached a standstill with less than 40 states still firmly recognizing the SADR. International recognition of the entity started noticeably declining in the 2000s. With various countries either withdrawing or freezing their recognition, the proclaimed state only maintains a fraction of the international recognition it once enjoyed. This dissertation aims to examine the practice of Recognition in International Relations by studying the peculiar case of the SADR. Accounting for Morocco's counterclaims over the territory and its studious work towards thwarting Polisario's efforts only emphasizes the importance of uncovering the causes of the derecognition of the SADR. The success of either party to achieve their goals relies on convincing members of the international arena of their claims, which are subsequently subject to changing tides of the international system. This research aims to submit Recognition as a material unit-level factor contingent on power balances of the international system. Using a qualitative method based on literature review and content analysis, this thesis will uncover narratives and patterns that reveal how recognition is a highly politicized practice and that pure interests gain more supremacy when withdrawing, suspending, or revoking recognition. This is even more paramount in a transitional world order in which international recognition becomes a bargaining chip.
Balance of power in the Islamic world: A case study on the Ottoman Empire during Selim the First
This thesis examines the explanatory power and universal applicability of the balance of power theory through a non-Western case study focusing on the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Selim the First. The rapid rise of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of Ottoman hegemony in the sixteenth century of the Middle East under Selim's short but transformative eight-year reign make it a deviant case that challenges the theory's assumptions and applicability. This study utilizes process tracing to explore why the Ottomans' ascent was not effectively countered by rival states (Safavids, Mamluks, and European Powers) through internal or external balancing mechanisms. The thesis attributes the Ottoman success in establishing a hegemony in the Middle East to three factors: Selim the First's leadership, Ottoman military superiority, and lack of an effective counterbalancing coalition. Selim consolidated his authority by eliminating dynastic rivals and controlling elite institutions, enabling rapid and unified external action. The Ottoman military's advanced use of gunpowder, disciplined organizational structure, and logistical efficiency outmatched its rivals. By contrast, the Safavids and Mamluks were weakened by structural deficiencies and special challenges, while European states remained distracted by continental rivalries. These structural and political conditions inside the rivals of the Ottomans hindered the formation of an effective counterbalancing coalition against the Ottoman Empire.
Why can't the US and China be a natural capitalist ally? A geopolitical reading of inter-capitalist rivalry
The rivalry between the United States (U.S.) and China has entered an uncharted phase, marked by heightened confrontation over trade, technology, the South China Sea, Taiwan, and various other issues. This paper introduces a Geopolitical reading of the conflict within the fold of an Inter-Capitalist Rivalry. In contrast to mainstream IR theories, the paper is grounded in two key premises: (a) inter-state competition and global capitalist development are dialectically co-constitutive, each crucially informing the other; and (b) both China and the U.S. are leading capitalist states, whose capitalist identity and respective trajectories of domestic capitalist development play a significant role in shaping their international behavior. Driven primarily by the theoretical framework of Uneven & Combined Development (UCD), this paper advances two key arguments. First, rather than a contest between political hegemons, the U.S.-China rivalry is best understood as an inter-capitalist rivalry shaped by (i) qualitative differences in their respective models of capitalist development and (ii) their positioning within evolving global capitalist dynamics and hierarchies, particularly in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. Second, contrary to the Globalist account, the emergence of a Transnational Capitalist Class has not prevented inter-capitalist rivalry from taking the form of "Geopolitical" tensions (involving nation-states and regional institutions), as evidenced in the U.S.-China conflict. Building on these findings, this research seeks to refute the Globalist perspective on inter-state relations within global capitalism, reinstating the importance of geopolitical dynamics in understanding global capitalist transformations and inter-capitalist competition.
Regional integration in the subregions of Africa: Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
Along with the globalization process, regionalization movements have gained momentum worldwide. Especially after the Second World War, many political, military, and economic organizations were established in the world, and regionalism was discussed in international relations. In this study, a comparative analysis is made through the explanations in the literature on the success/failure of regional integration processes. Our research question regarding two regionalizations in the Maghreb and Sub-Saharan Africa with different dynamics is "How did ECOWAS succeed despite similar problems, while the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) failed to achieve institutional regional integration?". The success of ECOWAS and the failure of AMU, which shape our research question, is a topic of debate in the literature. The dependent variable is the reasons that lead small/medium states to establish regional integration/order. When the reasons are discussed in the literature, it is observed that there are explanations such as economic interdependence, common identity, resolving conflicts, external actors, and unity against common enemy. The first chapter of the study examines the concept of regional order/integration and its place in the literature. The dimensions of external actor influence on the regional integration of small/medium states are highlighted. In the second chapter, the historical process and institutional objectives of AMU and ECOWAS are shared. Then, its success in the context of regionalization in direct proportion to its objectives and its current situation are compared. It discusses the influence of external actors in the background of the success of ECOWAS in the literature and analyzes that the main reason for the failure of AMU is the policies of external actors towards the member states. In the last chapter, it is argued that regionalization in sub-regions or small/medium states can exist with external actor influence through AMU and ECOWAS.
Why do Central Asian states fail to achieve regional integration?
In the international relations literature, regional studies have started to emerge in order to take a closer look at regional policies, especially after the independence of many countries after the Second World War. One of the most important topics of analysis in these studies has been regional organizations. These organizations, which have the capacity to provide many useful outputs such as security, politics and socio-economics within the region, play an important role in ensuring peace and stability. Regional organization initiatives have been undertaken by the Central Asian states that declared their independence with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The post-Soviet era in Central Asia witnessed a surge in regional integration initiatives, yet these endeavors have consistently fallen short of their intended goals. This thesis investigates the underlying reasons for this phenomenon, arguing that the legacy of Russian colonialism, dating back to the Tsarist era, remains a significant obstacle to regional cooperation. While existing literature often attributes this lack of integration to factors such as economic complementarity, regime types, nation-building, external interference, and competition for regional leadership, this thesis introduces a new perspective on the impact of colonialism by taking into account the important historical fact of nearly 150 years of Tsarist and Soviet colonial policy. This thesis will answer the reason for the failure of the regional organizations in Central Asia as colonialism. The historical trajectory of the region, shaped by Russian domination, has created deep-rooted challenges that impede regional integration. The lasting legacies of the colonial era have manifested themselves in several key areas. In this thesis, the consequences of this legacy will be explained through the inherited security problems, the remaking of the economic structure, the legacy of authoritarian regimes, the problems of nation-building and identity, and finally the state crises.
Geopolitics of non-integration: rethinking the rise of military populism in Francophone West Africa
The recent rise of populism and the election of perceived populist leaders in the West have gained significant attention in academic literature. International relations scholars, such as Robert Keohane and John Ikenberry, have questioned the implications of this rise of populist leadership on the liberal international order (LIO), an order cherished globally since the Cold War. However, less focus has been drawn to the recent surge of military coups in West Africa and the emergence of new faces in the region's political trajectory. Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali, and Niger have all recently experienced at least one coup d'état in the past three years, with significant public support for these undemocratic seizures of power. This study thus seeks to explore the root cause of these coups by addressing the fundamental question: Why have military coups (military populism) been on the rise in Francophone West Africa? The study addresses this question by establishing a link between its dependent variable, the increase in military populism, and its independent variable, mistrust in the LIO. Researchers who have studied coup cases in West Africa have generally focused on domestic variables, including leadership styles and socioeconomic challenges, as the principal causes of these actions. While recognizing the importance of these domestic variables, this study argues that the recent West African coups are intertwined with the global rise of populism, motivated partly by escalating anti- institutional sentiment and growing mistrust in the liberal international order.
Orta Asya'da geleneksel ve yeni hegemon güçler
After the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, a power vacuum emerged in Central Asia, with new republics creating opportunities for global powers to exert influence. This region holds immense geopolitical importance due to its strategic location and natural resources. In recent years, the region's political landscape has shifted, with a decline in Russia's traditional dominance and the rise of new actors, including Türkiye. This thesis examines the evolving dynamics between regional powers, particularly Russia and Türkiye, in Central Asia. It analyzes the historical, economic, and security factors contributing to Russia's diminishing influence, leading to weakened economic and financial stability. In contrast, Türkiye's growing diplomatic and economic initiatives are positioning it as a potential alternative to Russia's long-standing role in the region. The study explores whether Türkiye can fill the vacuum left by Russia, assessing its potential to become a credible power in Central Asia. By focusing on Türkiye's investments, diplomatic strategies, and cooperation with Central Asian states, the research evaluates its capacity to foster greater integration and influence. Despite Russia's declining authority, its geographic proximity and deep historical ties to the region still provide it with a significant advantage in maintaining bilateral relations. However, as geopolitical dynamics continue to shift, Türkiye's increasing presence presents new opportunities for regional cooperation. The central question remains: can Türkiye overcome Russia's historical dominance and establish itself as a leading force in Central Asia?