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The role of youth in post-conflict peacebuilding: South Sudan as a case studythe role of youth in post-conflict peacebuilding: south sudan as a case studythe role of youth in post-conflict peacebuilding: south sudan as a case studythe role of youth in post-conflict peacebuilding: south sudan as a case study
Some scholars (Omeje, 2005; Urdal, 2006; Aning&Atta-ASAMOAH, 2011; Paalo,2017) have portrayed Africa's youth (male and female between 15 and 35) as drivers of conflict and violence in Africa because they have participated in violence, armed conflicts, and extremist groups (UNDP, 2016), as well as due to youth bulge—a demographic bomb or weak economic identity (Fuller & Pitts 1990; USAID, 2005). This dissertation holds that the young people who have participated in violence and conflict, as pointed out by the literature, were victims and not deliberate perpetrators. These youths were either brainwashed into fighting for a course other than theirs or victims of their political and economic circumstances. Research has it that most of Africa's youth are neither violent nor participate in violence regardless of the wrongs, discriminations, exploitation, etc., they may encounter daily, especially within conflict environments (UNDP, 2016). Therefore, this thesis argues that, despite their political and economic predicaments, they can still be active drivers of peace and non-violence. To examine this positive potential, the study used South Sudan as a case study, the "local turn" theory, and a qualitative research approach to interview youth leaders and review project documents of four youth organizations actively building peace in South Sudan. This dissertation found that young people have immensely contributed to South Sudan's peacebuilding process in different roles through civil society organizations such as serving as mediators, thus, promoting conflict resolution through dialogue; improving livelihoods through relief services and entrepreneurial skills training and funds allocation; strengthening the culture of peace through peace education; and promoting inclusion by giving voice to other youths, women, and children. The implications of this are that young people are increasingly becoming aware of their positive role in peacebuilding and that these groups of people are very active in peacebuilding despite the political and economic challenges that they face. This increasing awareness of their positive role falls heavily within the local turn debate which advocates for the role of local actors such as the youth in peacebuilding. Keywords: youth, role, peacebuilding, conflict, violence, conflict drivers, South Sudan
A critical discourse analysis of news reports: The case of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict - 2020
This study investigates the conflict reporting dynamics in news articles from Armenian and Azerbaijani media outlets concerning the protracted Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, using the socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis (Van Dijk, 2006). Analyzing 24 articles from both the term of conflict's apex and the following peace negotiation phase, the study identifies discernible disparities in discursive structures influenced by political ideologies. Merging quantitative and qualitative analytical dimensions, the findings illuminate interesting trends: the conflict's zenith witnessed the predominant employment of populism, authority, and polarization as discursive tools. However, the post-conflict narrative, especially in the Azerbaijani media, exhibits a more marked inclination towards lexicalization, national self-glorification, and vagueness strategies compared to their Armenian counterparts. On a broader semantic level, the analysis helps to underscore a collective media tendency in both nations towards negative other-representation. However, post-conflict narratives in Azerbaijani media, possibly emanating from their perceived triumph in the conflict, seem to accentuate positive self-representations. The resultant insights are discussed within the academic realms of Critical Discourse Analysis, paradigms of conflict reporting, and the theory of transformative peacebuilding (Fairclough, 1995; Wolfsfeld, 2004; Lederach, 1997).
False readiness theory and bilateral and third-party peace processes: Mediated and non-mediated dyads in comparative perspective
This study investigates the role of False Readiness in peace processes, particularly focusing on the impact of mediators when at least one party is not genuinely committed to peace. The study employs a mixed-method approach, combining Information Theory for Comparative Case Analysis and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), to examine ten peace processes from five conflicts: Northern Ireland, Basque, Colombian, Sri Lankan, and South Sudanese. The research is grounded in the False Readiness Theory (FRT), which posits that parties may engage in deceptive negotiations to buy time, extract concessions, or avoid appearing weak. It begins with a comprehensive literature review, covering negotiation, mediation, deception, and rational choice theories. It then delves into the methodological framework, explaining the use of Information Theory metrics and QCA to analyze the selected case studies. The study identifies several confounding and explanatory conditions, such as violence during the peace process, power asymmetry, and the presence of a mediator, to understand their impact on the likelihood of False Readiness. The findings reveal that the presence of a mediator does not necessarily increase the likelihood of False Readiness, contradicting the initial hypothesis. Instead, the study finds that maximalist preferences and the failure to reach or implement a final agreement are significant indicators of False Readiness. The thesis also highlights the importance of understanding the strategic use of deception in peace processes and the need for mediators to address these dynamics effectively. Through detailed process tracing of selected cases, the thesis provides a nuanced understanding of how False Readiness manifests in peace negotiations and offers policy recommendations for mediators and policymakers. The study concludes by emphasizing the need for further research on the role of deception in conflict resolution and the development of more precise indicators for False Readiness.
Latin Amerika'dan Türkiye'ye göç: Etkenler, deneyimler & beklentiler
This thesis looks at why people from Latin American countries decide to move to Türkiye, and what life is like for them once they arrive. It focuses on two main questions: what pushes people to leave their home countries, and what attracts them to Türkiye. Problems like economic crises, political troubles, and social insecurity in Latin America are strong reasons why people want to leave. At the same time, Türkiye has been actively using "soft power" tools such as cultural diplomacy, scholarships, easier visa policies, and especially popular Turkish TV series to make itself an attractive place to live. To understand this topic better, the study combines interviews with Latin American migrants from the case countries; Brazil, Colombia, Peru and Venezuela, living in Türkiye and analysis of soft power tools of Türkiye. The research finds that many people move not only for work or safety, but also because they feel drawn to Turkish culture, see new opportunities, and hear positive stories about life in Türkiye. Turkish TV series, cultural events, and student exchanges help create this positive image and influence people's decisions before they move. The thesis also explores what happens after migrants arrive. It shows how they face both good and difficult experiences, enjoying cultural discovery and new friendships, while sometimes also struggling with language, bureaucracy, and feelings of being far from home. By focusing on this lesser-known migration route, the research adds to wider discussions about migration between countries of Latin America, and how a country like Türkiye can attract people not only through jobs or asylum, but also through cultural influence and media.
A critical discourse analysis of news reports: The case of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict - 2020
This study investigates the conflict reporting dynamics in news articles from Armenian and Azerbaijani media outlets concerning the protracted Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, using the socio-cognitive approach of critical discourse analysis (Van Dijk, 2006). Analyzing 24 articles from both the term of conflict's apex and the following peace negotiation phase, the study identifies discernible disparities in discursive structures influenced by political ideologies. Merging quantitative and qualitative analytical dimensions, the findings illuminate interesting trends: the conflict's zenith witnessed the predominant employment of populism, authority, and polarization as discursive tools. However, the post-conflict narrative, especially in the Azerbaijani media, exhibits a more marked inclination towards lexicalization, national self-glorification, and vagueness strategies compared to their Armenian counterparts. On a broader semantic level, the analysis helps to underscore a collective media tendency in both nations towards negative other-representation. However, post-conflict narratives in Azerbaijani media, possibly emanating from their perceived triumph in the conflict, seem to accentuate positive self-representations. The resultant insights are discussed within the academic realms of Critical Discourse Analysis, paradigms of conflict reporting, and the theory of transformative peacebuilding (Fairclough, 1995; Wolfsfeld, 2004; Lederach, 1997).
The role of youth in post-conflict peacebuilding: South Sudan as a case studythe role of youth in post-conflict peacebuilding: south sudan as a case studythe role of youth in post-conflict peacebuilding: south sudan as a case studythe role of youth in post-conflict peacebuilding: south sudan as a case study
Some scholars (Omeje, 2005; Urdal, 2006; Aning&Atta-ASAMOAH, 2011; Paalo,2017) have portrayed Africa's youth (male and female between 15 and 35) as drivers of conflict and violence in Africa because they have participated in violence, armed conflicts, and extremist groups (UNDP, 2016), as well as due to youth bulge—a demographic bomb or weak economic identity (Fuller & Pitts 1990; USAID, 2005). This dissertation holds that the young people who have participated in violence and conflict, as pointed out by the literature, were victims and not deliberate perpetrators. These youths were either brainwashed into fighting for a course other than theirs or victims of their political and economic circumstances. Research has it that most of Africa's youth are neither violent nor participate in violence regardless of the wrongs, discriminations, exploitation, etc., they may encounter daily, especially within conflict environments (UNDP, 2016). Therefore, this thesis argues that, despite their political and economic predicaments, they can still be active drivers of peace and non-violence. To examine this positive potential, the study used South Sudan as a case study, the "local turn" theory, and a qualitative research approach to interview youth leaders and review project documents of four youth organizations actively building peace in South Sudan. This dissertation found that young people have immensely contributed to South Sudan's peacebuilding process in different roles through civil society organizations such as serving as mediators, thus, promoting conflict resolution through dialogue; improving livelihoods through relief services and entrepreneurial skills training and funds allocation; strengthening the culture of peace through peace education; and promoting inclusion by giving voice to other youths, women, and children. The implications of this are that young people are increasingly becoming aware of their positive role in peacebuilding and that these groups of people are very active in peacebuilding despite the political and economic challenges that they face. This increasing awareness of their positive role falls heavily within the local turn debate which advocates for the role of local actors such as the youth in peacebuilding. Keywords: youth, role, peacebuilding, conflict, violence, conflict drivers, South Sudan
Local non-governmental organizations' contributions to building peace and humanitarianism in Hadhramaut Governorate (2014-2022)
This thesis deals with the importance of the role and contribution of active civil society organizations in Hadramout governorate in reducing the humanitarian crisis and their contribution to strengthening the peace-building process in Yemen and Hadramout governorate in particular during the current civil war that ravaged Yemen. Through the results of the thesis, it was found that there is an active role for civil society organizations, and their contribution to Attain a state of moderate stability and mitigate the humanitarian crisis by executing a range of diverse humanitarian and developmental initiatives, underscore the significance of these initiatives in the absence of public sector involvement. In addition, some of the obstacles and difficulties facing these organizations in their field of work and ways to find solutions to these challenges were addressed. In this thesis, the descriptive qualitative approach by checking Prior research and investigations concerning the sector's role were referenced, alongside a questionnaire that was conducted for seven active CSOs within Hadramout Governorate. The findings revealed that local NGOs had a significant part in both fostering peace and facilitating reconstruction efforts. Additionally, they played a role in establishing a form of stability in regions impacted by conflict.
The peace obstruction veto in civil war: The Syrian crisis case study
This study explores the factors that have enabled the Syrian regime to wield veto power over the peace process and how this has influenced the ongoing Syrian crisis. The focus is on the role played by the Syrian regime and its allies, such as Russia and Iran, in disrupting and sabotaging international efforts to reach a political solution. Additionally, the study examines the various tactics used by the regime to maintain its control over the country, including the use of violence, propaganda, and the manipulation of humanitarian issues for political gain. A mixed-methods research approach was employed, combining qualitative and quantitative analyses. This included examining voting patterns in the United Nations Security Council, conducting an in-depth case study of the Syrian crisis, and, as a supplementary source, interviewing experts and analysts on Syrian affairs. The findings reveal that international support for the Syrian regime, the fragmentation of the opposition, and the lack of a cohesive international strategy were crucial factors that enabled the regime to retain its power and hinder the peace process. The study recommends developing more coordinated and comprehensive international strategies to address the root causes of the conflict, enhance accountability for human rights violations, and support moderate local actors. It also emphasizes the need to reassess the role of international alliances and find effective ways to counter the challenges posed by using veto power in the Security Council. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics of the Syrian conflict and offers practical insights for policymakers and practitioners in the fields of conflict resolution and peacebuilding to achieve a sustainable and inclusive settlement of the Syrian crisis.
The peace obstruction veto in civil war: The Syrian crisis case study
This study explores the factors that have enabled the Syrian regime to wield veto power over the peace process and how this has influenced the ongoing Syrian crisis. The focus is on the role played by the Syrian regime and its allies, such as Russia and Iran, in disrupting and sabotaging international efforts to reach a political solution. Additionally, the study examines the various tactics used by the regime to maintain its control over the country, including the use of violence, propaganda, and the manipulation of humanitarian issues for political gain. A mixed-methods research approach was employed, combining qualitative and quantitative analyses. This included examining voting patterns in the United Nations Security Council, conducting an in-depth case study of the Syrian crisis, and, as a supplementary source, interviewing experts and analysts on Syrian affairs. The findings reveal that international support for the Syrian regime, the fragmentation of the opposition, and the lack of a cohesive international strategy were crucial factors that enabled the regime to retain its power and hinder the peace process. The study recommends developing more coordinated and comprehensive international strategies to address the root causes of the conflict, enhance accountability for human rights violations, and support moderate local actors. It also emphasizes the need to reassess the role of international alliances and find effective ways to counter the challenges posed by using veto power in the Security Council. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics of the Syrian conflict and offers practical insights for policymakers and practitioners in the fields of conflict resolution and peacebuilding to achieve a sustainable and inclusive settlement of the Syrian crisis.
The peace obstruction veto in civil war: The Syrian crisis case study
This study explores the factors that have enabled the Syrian regime to wield veto power over the peace process and how this has influenced the ongoing Syrian crisis. The focus is on the role played by the Syrian regime and its allies, such as Russia and Iran, in disrupting and sabotaging international efforts to reach a political solution. Additionally, the study examines the various tactics used by the regime to maintain its control over the country, including the use of violence, propaganda, and the manipulation of humanitarian issues for political gain. A mixed-methods research approach was employed, combining qualitative and quantitative analyses. This included examining voting patterns in the United Nations Security Council, conducting an in-depth case study of the Syrian crisis, and, as a supplementary source, interviewing experts and analysts on Syrian affairs. The findings reveal that international support for the Syrian regime, the fragmentation of the opposition, and the lack of a cohesive international strategy were crucial factors that enabled the regime to retain its power and hinder the peace process. The study recommends developing more coordinated and comprehensive international strategies to address the root causes of the conflict, enhance accountability for human rights violations, and support moderate local actors. It also emphasizes the need to reassess the role of international alliances and find effective ways to counter the challenges posed by using veto power in the Security Council. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics of the Syrian conflict and offers practical insights for policymakers and practitioners in the fields of conflict resolution and peacebuilding to achieve a sustainable and inclusive settlement of the Syrian crisis.