Political Science

Moving beyond existing theory of state feminism: Introducing a typology of state feminism

In the state feminism literature, state feminism has generally been attempted to be standardized and mostly focused on developed Western countries. However, ignor-ing the other countries except the developed Western ones has caused to overlook that state feminism can manifest itself in different ways. On the other hand, in the limited number of researches about the third world countries, the uniqueness of the related country has been discussed and has not been compared with the countries that have tra-ditionally been known as the implementers of the state feminism or the state feminist implementations of these countries have been explained within the context of Western and/or Scandinavian approaches, ignoring the distinctive dynamics of these countries. In this research, it is seen that the peculiar background of the selected countries diversi-fies the implementations of state feminism. Therefore, one has considered that there is no single type of state feminism; state feminism may be varied depending on the im-plementer. It is suggested that the relationship between the state and women in each of the states adopted state feminism for different purposes differentiates state feminism. It is also offered an insight into the cases that state feminism does not aim to achieve gen-der equality and broaden women's rights directly. The characteristics of the relationship between state feminism and the implementer state are revealed through the correlation between three main and five supporting determinants, and thus, the type of state femi-nism in which the selected countries belonged is determined. Accordingly, forty-one independent countries are chosen for the analysis, and seven different types of state feminism are proposed as a result. Eventually, each type named in order to indicate their intent by practicing state feminism.

The effect of religious education policies on university students' perception of religiosity during the AK Party period

Religious education policies are among the hottest topics in our country. In line with the needs of the society and that of the state, the education of individuals via schooling is generally determined through religious education policies. There is no doubt that states demand to raise individuals they like to mould, and they implement education policies to that end. Accordingly, religion and state relations are regarded as inseparable. In this study, firstly, in order to understand the concepts and end the confusion, the conceptual framework will be mentioned, and then the history of the religious education policies will be discussed. In this context, the religious education policies during the Ottoman and Republican period will be briefly examined. Then, the religious education policies of the AK Party period will be examined. Social change reports and religiosity studies prepared by research companies have led us to conduct the research on the effects of religious education policies on religiosity. As a matter of fact, it was expected that the religious propaganda and education carried out by the state would affect the religiosity of the citizens in the desired way. For example, with the 4 + 4 + 4 education system implemented in 2012, the number of secondary religous schools increased significantly. However, many studies have revealed that the situation proves to be the opposite and directed us to study this area. Within the scope of our study, 12 region-based interviews were conducted across Turkey and in line with Level 1 of Statistical Region Units (SRU). In this context, open-ended questions were asked to the participants. In addition, the process tracing method was used in this study. In this method, periods were written in the number line column, signifying a historical process. Presidents, prime ministers, and the religious education policies in practice were placed in the number line column. Finally, the religiousness graph was compared with these periods. This made it possible to comment on how religionization differs according to the president, prime minister, government of the period and the policies implemented. This research aims to answer such questions as: Do religious education policies affect religiosity? Have people questioned their religious beliefs more in recent years? Can religious education policies direct the rate of the increase and decrease in religiosity? Do religious discourses increase devotion, or drive people away from religion or lead to the corruption of the sacred? Have the policies implemented by the AK Party has increased or decreased religiosity? If so, is the policy problem implemented, or is a rapidly decreasing religiosity decreasing with these policies? Do the changing perceptions on religiosity reflect global changes in our country or is it due to the developments in Turkey?

Kimlik siyasetinin ötesinde Türkiye'de Müslüman-sol: Emek ve Adalet Platformu

Within the scope of this thesis, it was questioned whether the Labor and Justice Platform, conceptualized as Muslim-Left, adopted a politics beyond the politics of identity. In this context, first of all, it was emphasized that Islamist and leftist movements in Turkey were different from those in other Muslim-majority countries, and reasons about that were presented. By reviewing the political history of Turkey on the basis of the state-society relationship, it has been observed that the expression of right-left political distinctions on the basis of identities rather than socio-economic foundations is an important reason. In this context, the positioning of Islamists and leftists as the other to each other prevented Islamists and leftists from acting on a common ground in Turkey until the 2000s. Secondly, a historical and conceptual analysis of Islamist movements in Turkey has been made and classified according to the distinction between protest and emancipatory movements / identity movements. Radical Islamist movements from the late 1960s to the 1990s have been classified as both protest and emancipatory movements and identity movements. The moderate Islamist movement represented by the National Outlook Movement and its parties has been classified as an identity movement. For the Justice and Development Party, the concepts of post-Islamism before 2011 and Muslimism (Muslim Nationalism) after 2011 were used and the Islamist movement it represented was classified as an identity movement. Organizations such as the New Politics Initiative and People's Voice Party that brought together Islamists and leftists in the 2000s, and the Labor and Justice Platform and Anti-Capitalist Muslims that emerged in the early 2010s were conceptualized as Muslim-Left. After that, the Labor and Justice Platform, which was established in 2011 to bring Islamists and leftists together on a common ground, was examined. There is a website that contains a regular archive of discussions, explanations, actions, news and comments about the Platform. For this reason, the website of the Platform was analyzed qualitatively by thematic content analysis method. In this context, the contents shared by the Platform members and the Platform's statements were divided into thematic issues in order to understand the Platform's political thought and attitude. As a result, it has been revealed that the Labor and Justice Platform, as a Muslim-Left movement, goes beyond the politics of identity for two reasons. First, the Labor and Justice Platform has been evaluated in the context of protest and emancipatory Islamist movements, with its structure prioritizing class politics. Secondly, although the Platform prioritizes class politics, it does not subordinate identity politics, adopting the principle of "the identity of the oppressed is not asked". Therefore, they embrace the struggle for justice for all, being aware of the fact that there are those who suffer injustice and discrimination because of their ethnic and religious identities and gender. The attitude of the Platform on this issue has been examined through its approaches, actions, discourses and discussions on the Kurdish issue and gender equality.

Labor for sale: A case study of precariousness and political tendency in the workers bazaar

This thesis aims to determine the qualitative characteristics of precariousness and political orientation of the workers in the Ulus Labor Bazaar located in the center of the city in Ankara and to reveal the possible relationship between these two. This study is based on ethnographic research, non-participant and participant observations and in-depth interviews with workers in the Ulus Labor Bazaar. The findings regarding precariousness and political orientation in the field research were evaluated with the literature of precarity and political orientation in the world and Turkey in particular, and similarities and differences were analyzed in this context. The field has been handled based on the precarity literature, and the forms of precariousness specific to the case, the folded precariousness, and the aspects of precarity that go beyond the working life of the workers have been identified. While determining the political orientation of the workers, the factors that are effective on political orientation were determined and it was discussed whether precariousness is one of them. This thesis, which was prepared to increase the visibility of non-factory labor in the social sciences literature and to determine the effect of precariousness on political preferences, is the first academic study on the Ulus Labor Market. Keywords: labor market, precariousness, employment norms, precariat, worker, political tendency

The AK Party's ideological shift: From "post-Islamism" to "Muslim nationalism"

Existing literature on Turkish politics emphasizes that Turkey had an authoritarian turn in the second AK Party term (2013 - ). However, existing literature has been silent on discourses of the AK Party's leaders before and after the authoritarian turn. This thesis focuses on discourses of the AK Party's leaders in general elections to examine the AK Party's authoritarian turn and asks "Is there any ideological shift in these two periods and can we follow this shift by considering the discourse of AK Party leaders in general elections (2002-2013, 2013-2018)?" To answer these questions, discourses of the AK Party's leaders are examined in six general elections. Thesis claims the AK Party's authoritarian turn can be seen by considering discourses of party leaders of the AK Party in general elections. This thesis shows that the first period of the AK Party (2002-2013) was a result of post-Islamist ideology that is relevant to Turkey's democratization, the second period (2013-2018) was a result of Muslim nationalist ideology that cause authoritarian turn.

Karşılaştırmalı kadın dostu politikalar: Mardin, İzmir ve Samsun Büyükşehir Belediyeleri

In this thesis, the activities of municipalities in different regions and represented by different political parties within the framework of 7 areas in the Local Equality Action Plan, which was shaped within the framework of the ideal of Women Friendly Cities supported by the United Nations, were evaluated and it was discussed to what extent these activities overlap with the ideal of Women Friendly Cities. In this context, the suitability of the services provided by municipalities towards women in these thematic areas was investigated. In addition, the contents of the trainings given in the fields of economy, health and awareness raising were examined to understand whether the content of these services complies with the gender mainstreaming approach. In this context, an evaluation of the public sphere and private sphere debate over the concept of gender has been made, and current conceptual discussions about gender equality and gender equality mainstreaming strategy have been included. In addition, the approaches of the UN to women's policies are given by including the historical process and feminist theories are discussed for a better understanding of these concepts. Policies that will ensure gender equality are implemented to solve the problems of women in accessing, participating, and benefiting from local government mechanisms; to ensure equality in the society in economic, social, cultural, and political, to increase awareness and to improve the situation of women. Gender mainstreaming, which is a gender equality strategy, means bringing a perspective that will ensure gender equality to all major plans and policies and transforming changes in this direction. Gender mainstreaming aims to eliminate the backwardness of women in society, to reduce their limited access to local mechanisms, to increase their participation and utilization, and to empower women. In this context, the Women-Friendly City program, created for municipalities, purposes to provide equality in many issues such as governance, security, transportation, economic security, education, social life, and health, and to eliminate existing grievances. The sample of the research created by the criterion sampling method of the purposive sampling method. The activity reports of these municipalities between the years 2015-2020 were examined by focusing on the municipalities of İzmir, Mardin and Samsun, and the qualitative content analysis method was used. In addition, the activities of the municipalities it is assumed that all studies are included in the activity reports. The suitability of municipalities' services to the seven thematic areas included in the Local Equality Action Plans was discussed. The contents of the trainings given in the fields of economy, health and awareness were examined and it was examined whether the content of these services was suitable for the gender equality approach. In addition, the studies and trainings of these metropolitan municipalities were evaluated by comparison. As a result, it has been seen that the services and projects of the municipalities for women are suitable for the determined thematic areas. When the contents of the trainings given in the fields of economy, health and awareness are examined, it is seen that all three perspectives about equality are included to gender mainstream. In addition, it has been observed that the diversity of services varies according to the regions, the needs and demands of the citizens, the discourses of the political parties towards women, and the visions of the mayors. Finally, suggestions were made for municipalities to achieve the ideal of a women friendly city.

A comparative study of public policy responses to Covid-19: The cases of South Korea and Turkey

Since the COVID-19 pandemic started , the healthcare systems and infrastructures of several countries have faced unprecedented challenges. Accordingly, governments have taken different measures in order to tackle with COVID-19 and to follow their citizens' health situations. This research aims to identify the key differences and similarities between the public policies of South Korea and Turkey in dealing with this challenge. In this thesis, I compare how two OECD members —a developing (Turkey) and a developed (South Korea) country- integrated their public policies and crisis management measures. Also, I investigate how their policy differences and similarities changed over the course of the pandemic. Finally, this thesis discusses policy-making processes, technological differences, and strategies with policy implications for other countries.

Yerel entegrasyon yönetişiminde adhokrasi: Ankara'daki Suriyeli mültecilerin yerel entegrasyonuna yönelik Altındağ ve Çankaya belediyelerinin yaklaşımlarının karşılaştırılması

When the mass inflows started from Syria to Turkey in 2011, Turkey welcomed the Syrian refugees in the camps that were built in border cities in the first place. However, as the years passed, the number of Syrians who took refuge in Turkey increased, and most Syrians started to mobilize toward the cities where job opportunities are high. So, the local governments at the forefront of the Syrian forced migration management had the responsibility to provide services for the newcomers without any legal authorization. In such a condition, it is quite important to investigate whether there is any congruence or interplay between the central government playing the steering role with its decision-making and regulatory bodies and the municipalities facing the challenges of integration at the city level. Since the Syrians in Turkey have temporary protection status for an indefinite time period, the integration policy development has been characterized by the national policy ad-hocracy, which is also expected to be reflected in the responses of the municipalities. Hence, this study aims to analyze the extent that the approaches regarding the local integration of Syrians in Altındağ and Çankaya municipal districts in Ankara could be considered as part of the national policy ad-hocracy. This study revealed that although there are great differences between the difficulties faced by Altındağ and Çankaya municipalities, political party policies are often decisive in terms of local integration efforts of municipalities.

Georgia's ethnic minority integration policies in Kvemo Kartli region

In multiethnic Georgia, the largest ethnic minorities are Azerbaijanis and they compactly and peacefully live in the Kvemo Kartli region which is also home to people from various ethnic, cultural, and religious backgrounds. This thesis aims to explain the survival and maintenance of Georgian Azerbaijani identity in post-soviet Georgia. We delve into evolving circumstances of ethnic minorities in the Kvemo Kartli region over recent decades and we analyze the nature of Georgia's policies towards Azerbaijanis and other ethnic minorities. The study also endeavors to assess the consequences of governmental policies that have been implemented since Georgia's attainment of independence. We conducted a case study of Azerbaijanis in the Kvemo Kartli region which included documental analyses, and semi structured expert interviews. For documental analyses, we examined main reports, websites, media analyses, and literature on Georgian Azerbaijanis and ethnicity, nationalism. Through conducting a case study, and historical and documental analysis of Georgia's policies for ethnic minority integration, as well as external influences on the region, this study sheds light on the principal accomplishments, shortcomings and future requirements. The research discerns that despite maintaining the cohesion of Georgian Azerbaijanis within the Georgian state and upholding the rich diversity of ethnic communities, disparities in ensuring equality among these groups persist as a hindrance to the successful ethnic-cultural integration of Georgian Azerbaijanis into Georgian society.

Sputnik Türkiye's portrayal of Russia's Ukraine policy: A case study of use of media as a geopolitical instrument

The core objective of this thesis is to uncover and analyze the communication strategy and narrative reconstruction employed by Sputnik Türkiye concerning Russia's Ukraine policy and the invasion itself. Specifically, we aim to discern how Sputnik Türkiye endeavors to shape Turkish public opinion regarding Russia's Ukraine policy, the ongoing war, Turkish-Western relations, and various domestic and international issues. To address these research questions, we conducted a comprehensive content analysis of Sputnik Türkiye's coverage of the Ukraine invasion spanning from February 24, 2022, to May 24, 2022. Sputnik Türkiye, funded by Russia, serves not only as a vehicle for public diplomacy to enhance Russian soft power but also plays a pivotal role in Russia's hybrid warfare strategy. It does so by disseminating disinformation and propaganda to target both the Turkish and international public. Through public diplomacy and propaganda tactics, Sputnik Türkiye has been employed to reinforce pro-Russian narratives. These narratives encompass the spread of disinformation about the Ukrainian government and military, an effort to establish Russia as a legitimate actor despite human rights allegations, the propagation of a biased perspective, and the portrayal of the West, particularly Western governments, as the "villain" or adversary. Russia's overarching communication strategy is designed to mitigate international and Turkish public opposition to its geopolitical goals. Moreover, it seeks to garner political and diplomatic support from Türkiye. However, these ulterior motives pose a significant threat to Türkiye's media ecosystem and the integrity of free and organic public discourse.

Understanding political attitudes of right wing voters in the post -2002 period: Beyond ideology versus pragmatism

This research aims to deepen and broaden our understanding of the political attitudes of right-wing voters, who are accepted to hold the key to Turkish politics due to their large numbers. While there is a wealth of quantitative macro-level analysis focused on identifying the political preferences and voting behaviour of Turkish voters in the post-2022 period, this research conducts in-depth interviews to understand the meaning-making processes of voters and to draw mental maps of right- wing voters. By this way, this research aims to throw light to how voters combine and interpret ideologies, values, collective memory, traditions, identities, emotions, and changing situational factors and create their own 'subjective political field'. The main argument of this research is that explaining political attitudes of right-wing voters with ideology versus pragmatism approach is highly superficial and inadequate. Going beyond this dichtomy, we try to identify how similar political, economic and cultural factors can strengthen or deter right-wing voting and how it can alienate voters based on voters' subjective political field.

Impact of presidential system on separation of powers in Türkiye

As a result of the system change discussions that accelerated after the 2016 coup attempt and a series of constitutional changes, Türkiye switched from a parliamentary democracy to a Turkish-style presidential system in 2018. As a result of the adoption of this new and unique system, which has similarities and differences with other presidential systems, the office of prime minister in the executive body was abolished and the executive power was concentrated in the hands of a single person. Changes in the executive organ inevitably affected the other organs of the state, namely the legislature and the judiciary. For this reason, serious changes have occurred in the relations of executive, legislative and judicial organs both within themselves and with each other. As a result of these changes, wide-ranging debates began in the direction that a more stable Türkiye would be possible by eliminating the dualism in the executive, or that the executive would result in an anti-democratic Türkiye by taking advantage of the increased power and authorities to control the other state organs. Considering that the principle of separation of powers is indispensable for democracies and that it strengthens the democratic administration against authoritarian regimes, effect of the presidential system on the principle of separation of powers will be investigated within the scope of this thesis.

The rise of far-right populism in Türkiye: The case of the Zafer Party in 2023 election

This thesis examines the emergence of the Zafer Party and its impact on Turkish politics by focusing on its far-right populist discourse during the 2023 General Elections. Since the 1980s, globalization has exacerbated regional conflicts and migration, fueling populist and nationalist movements worldwide. In Türkiye, the mass migration from Syria has significantly altered the political landscape, contributing to the rise of right-wing populism. Founded in 2021 by Ümit Özdağ, the Zafer Party has capitalized on these dynamics, emphasizing a strong nationalist and anti-immigration rhetoric. This study aims to analyze the Zafer Party's founding manifesto, newspaper coverage, and YouTube election rallies as representations of its media presence through thematic and content analysis methods. It seeks to understand the party's political strategies and ideological stance during the 2023 election campaign, its relationship with far-right populism, and its contribution to the anti-immigration dimension of Turkish nationalism. By doing so, the research aims to shed light on the party's ideological foundations, the evolution of its discourse, and the factors underlying its electoral success. The study identifies three key themes that resonate with voters: Anti-Immigration and Nationalism, Commitment to Atatürk's Principles and Reforms, and Combatting Corruption. These themes reflect the party's strategic alignment with public concerns, particularly those surrounding migration and national identity.The findings reveal that the influence of the globally rising far-right populism was also evident in Türkiye, particularly during this election period. The Zafer Party's impact on the 2023 elections was largely driven by its far-right populist discourse. These narratives not only amplified the party's influence but also emerged as one of the dominant themes of the electoral period. This analysis of the Zafer Party's role in the 2023 elections provides insights into far-right populist politics rooted in anti-immigration sentiment in Türkiye. The findings suggest that immigration and anti-immigration far-right rhetoric will remain significant themes in Turkish political discourse. This study contributes to ongoing debates on nationalism and political realignment within Türkiye's evolving political landscape. In doing so, it not only sheds light on the dynamics that facilitated the Zafer Party's electoral success but also offers a broader understanding of the forces shaping contemporary Turkish politics.

A comparison of the settlement and adaptation of Somali refugees in Ethiopia and the United Kingdom with special attention to females

This study aims to investigate the settlement and adaptation of Somali refugees in Ethiopia and the UK since 1991. Through comparative and historical case studies of Somali refugees in both countries, we investigate the reasons for insufficient levels of integration and the reasons for poor adaptation. We argue that refugees in Ethiopia cannot settle and adapt despite long periods of stay in the country due to their living in camps, being excluded from society, and inability to integrate into local societies and economies. While Ethiopia follows a compassionate policy of open- borders and settlement of a large number of refugees, the economic and legal-political limitations of the Ethiopian state mostly account for the protracted non-integration of refugees. Comparatively, re-settled and "legal" refugees in the UK do not suffer from "bare life" issues and can reach education and employment, though their adaptation is severely limited by feelings of insecurity and discrimination due to raising New Right, racist, and anti-immigrant movements. However, the UK does not even aim to settle a larger portion of "illegal" or "irregular migrants," which are also in fact refugees escaping war and poverty. The thesis pays special attention to female refugees, who are the least integrated and who suffer incredible costs in the process of migration and settlement due to violence, breakdown of families and social norms, and lack of gendered policies to pay special care for their security, reproductive health, and dignity. Keywords: Somali refugees, settlement, adaptation, female refugees, Ethiopia, UK

A comperative analaysis of Ibn Khaldun's and Niccolo Machiavelli's realist and rationalistic approaches to politics

In Western political thought, Machiavelli, and in Eastern discourse, Ibn Khaldun, emerge as pivotal figures. Despite their diverse geographical, cultural, and historical backgrounds, both advocated for a similar realistic and rationalist approach. This thesis aims to meticulously examine and compare the revolutionary methodologies employed by Machiavelli and Ibn Khaldun within the realm of political theory. Significantly, both philosophers diverged from their predecessors and contemporaries by opting to analyze societal events through a pragmatic and historically grounded perspective rather than through idealized or normative lenses. This analytical framework not only fortified the foundations of their political doctrines but also left profound imprints on the trajectory of modern political thought. This study deeply delves into the realistic and rationalist methodologies embraced by Machiavelli and Ibn Khaldun. While both engage in a realist analysis of politics, differences arise due to their unique cultural and historical contexts. For instance, Machiavelli's experiences during the Italian Renaissance shaped his pragmatic and realistic outlook, whereas Ibn Khaldun's upbringing in the politically complex Islamic world influenced his realism within that milieu. Moreover, this research examines the fundamental reasons behind the political realism advocated by these two thinkers and scrutinizes whether their perspectives were shaped by the epochs in which they lived and their personal experiences. Despite the significant similarities in the initial political and methodological approaches of the two thinkers, as well as their methods of analyzing social events, it is evident that they ultimately arrived at very different conclusions. Consequently, the advice they offered to rulers and caliphs diverged considerably. Additionally, it explores the similarities and differences between Machiavelli's principles and Ibn Khaldun's historiographical perspectives. Particularly, Ibn Khaldun's realist approach diverges significantly from Machiavelli's realism, and the underlying reasons for this discrepancy are discussed in this study. The fundamental concepts and assertions used by the two thinkers in their works are compared in terms of their realist approaches and analyses. In conclusion, this study meticulously compares the political philosophies of Machiavelli and Ibn Khaldun, aiming to shed light on the origins and characteristics of realism within different geographical and cultural contexts. It also asserts that despite both thinkers being realists, their understandings of realism significantly differ from each other. Keywords: Realism, Historism, Machiavelli, Khaldun, Society, Politics

Erken dönem Türk demokrasisinde (1946-1950) liberal arayışlar: Hür Fikirleri Yayma Cemiyeti

Türkiye siyasû hayatına 1980 sonrası politikalarla girdiği iddia edilen liberalizm,sadece nev zuhur olmakla değil, kökü dışarıda yabancı bir akım olmakla da mahkûmedilmeye çalışılan bir düşüncedir. Oysa bu iddianın aksine, fikrû bir geleneklemündemiç liberalizm Türk Siyasû hayatı içinde önemli bir yere sahiptir. Bu mirasiçinde pek bilinmeyen bir örnek ise Hür Fikirleri Yayma Cemiyeti'dir. HFYC, Türkliberalizm tarihinin, 1940'ların ikinci yarısındaki kopuk halkasıdır. Bugüne kadar,Türkiye'de liberal hareketler üzerine yapılan çalışmalar, gayelerini ?dünyadaki liberaloluşumlara Türkiye'den destek vermek? olarak ilan eden Cemiyet'i gözdenkaçırmıştır. Ancak, tabii ki HFYC Türk liberalizminin başlangıç noktası değildir. Bununiçin biraz daha gerilere gitmek gerekmektedir.1947'de liberal bir oluşum olarak teşekkül eden Hür Fikirleri Yayma Cemiyeti,etrafında özgürlükçü ve demokrat simaları toplayarak kısa sürede etkili bir enstitü gibifaaliyet göstermeye başladı. Cemiyet, Ali Fuad Başgil'in kaleme aldığı ve siyasûaçıdan pür liberal bir beyannameyle de gaye ve ilkelerini ilan etmekteydi. Cemiyet,yaklaşık üç yıl güçlü faaliyetler yürüttükten sonra, Cemiyet'in iki etkili ismi AhmetEmin Yalman ve Ali Fuad Başgil'in aralarındaki bir tartışma neticesinde fiilû olarak sonbuldu. Ancak, kısa sayılabilecek bir dönemde yaptıkları sayısız panel ve toplantı,neşrettikleri dokuz yayın ve 11 sayılık dergi, Cemiyet'i, hem Türk demokrasisi hem deTürk liberalizmi için göz ardı edilmemesi gereken bir konuma yükseltmektedir. Öteyandan Cemiyet, sadece faaliyetleriyle değil, son bulmasına neden olan kırılmanıngünümüz Türk liberalizmi üzerindeki etkileriyle de özel bir anlam taşımaktadır.

2000'li yıllara doğru Türkiye'de muhafazakar siyaset "Ak Parti örneği"

Bu çalışma, kuruluşundan kısa bir süre sonra tek başına iktidar olma başarısını gösteren bir siyasal partiyi, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisini konu almaktadır. Ak Parti, sadece Türkiye'de ilk kez muhafazakarlığı bir siyasal ideoloji olarak benimsemiş ve kendisini ?muhafazakar demokrat? olarak tanımlamış bir parti olması bakımından değil, ülkede ciddi bir değişim sürecine imza atmış olması bakımından da önemli bir siyasal aktördür. Bu anlamda, AK Parti'nin örneğinde `Türkiye'de Muhafazakar Siyaseti' anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Ak Parti'nin kimliğinde Türkiye'deki muhafazakarlığın anlaşabilmesi bakımından, öncelikle küreselleşen dünyadaki kimlik tartışmalarına yer verilmiş ve bu tartışmaların Türkiye'ye yansıması ele alınmıştır. Ardından, Türkiye'de siyaseti anlamaya yönelik teorik modellere yer verilmiş ve böylece değişimin sosyo-politik ve tarihsel arkaplanı izah edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu çerçevede Şerif Mardin'in ve Emre Kongar'ın kavramsallaştırdıkları ?merkezçevre? veya ?devletçi-seçkinci?lerle ?gelenekçi-liberaller? arasındaki ayrıma yer verilmiş ve Ak Parti'nin içinden geldiği siyasi geleneğin toplumsal tabanına ışık tutulmuştur. Bu teorik çerçevenin ardından bir siyasal ideoloji ve bir düşünce geleneği olarak muhafazakarlık hakkında bilgi verilmiş ve bu ideolojinin Türkiye'deki tarihsel kökleriyle bugünkü durumu mercek altına alınmıştır. Türkiye'de muhafazakarlığın pratik siyaset içinde ifade ettiği anlamın daha iyi anlaşılması bakımından, söz konusu partinin önemli isimleri veya kanaat önderi konumundaki kişileriyle yapılan mülakatlarla, muhafazakarlıktan neyin anlaşıldığı veya bu ideoloji doğrultusunda Türkiye'nin meselelerine nasıl baktıkları anlaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Özellikle bu partinin, ?Milli Görüş? 154 çizgisinden ayrılarak ortaya çıkardığı özgün kimliğin niteliği üzerine değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. Ardından, bu mülakatlarda ortaya çıkan sonuçlar değerlendirilmiş ve böylece Ak Parti hakkında saha somut bir fotoğraf ortaya çıkarılmak istenmiştir. Çalışmanın sonunda, bu partiyi diğerlerinden ayıran vasıfların altı çizilmeye çalışılmış ve muhafazakarlığa dayalı bir siyasal kimlik olarak ortaya çıkan Ak Parti'nin Türkiye siyasetindeki yerine ve ifa ettiği role ilişkin değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır.

27 Mayıs ve partileşme sorunu

Avrupa'da devrimler çağı ve Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'na etkileri

Avrupa'da yaşanan Sanayi Devrimi ve Fransız Devrimi gibi tarihsel olaylar şüphesiz ki dünya ve insanlık tarihinde oldukça önemli bir yeri kapsamaktadır. Özellikle sınırları ve çağları aşan etkileri ve oluşturdukları gerek fikirsel gerekse de kurumsal yapılar nedeniyle birçok yorumun ve incelemenin konusu olmaktadırlar. Ancak, yine de Çin Başbakanı Çu En Lay'ın, Amerikan Dışişleri Bakanı Kissinger'in Fransız Devrimi hakkında ne düşünüyorsunuz sorusuna 70'li yılların başında ?Henüz yorum yapmak için erken? cevabı ironik olmasının ötesinde anlamlıdır. Günümüzde birçok soruna pratik ve pragmatik çözümler ararken geçmişin dinginliğinden sıyrılarak düşülen hataları ne yazık ki engelleyemiyoruz.Osmanlı İmparatorluğu da tarihsel kaçınılmazlıklar boyutunda söz konusu gelişmelerden fazlasıyla etkilenmişti. Ulusçuluk, sanayileşme, serbest ticaret, parlamento, hürriyet gibi kavramlar İmparatorluk sınırlarından içeri yavaşça girerken iç toplumsal yapı giderek çözülmüş, yönetim katında her geçen gün artarak karşılaşılan sorunlara aranan çözümler de kökten ve kalıcı olamamışlardı. Bu çerçevede Tanzimat Fermanı ve Islahat Fermanı gibi dönüm noktaları dış dinamiklerle iç beklentiler arasında bir denge kurmayı amaçlamış olsa da arzu edilen denge çoğunlukla dış dinamikler lehine olmuş ve İmparatorluk topraklarında milliyetçi başkaldırışlar önlenememiştir. Bunlara ek olarak ekonomik ve siyasal hayatta karşılaşılan bozukluklar sıradan insanların devlete olan güvenini zedelemiş ve bu süreç de etkisini uzun yıllar boyunca gösterecek çarpıklıklara başlangıç olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Avrupa merkezli söz konusu gelişmeler ve sonuçları Osmanlı İmparatorluğu üzerindeki etkileri ve bu etkilerin desteklediği ?Şark Meselesi? çerçevesinde incelenmiş, İmparatorluk'un kendi çıkarlarını korumak için kimi zaman başarılı kimi zaman da başarısız politikaları tahlil edilmiştir.

Cinsiyet karşıtı söylemin analizi: Türkiye ve Macaristan'da kutuplaştırma aracı olarak kullanımı

While polarization literature identifies cultural cleavages and grievances as creating political divisions, it has not systematically examined how anti-gender discourse functions as a tool of polarization. Drawing on Somer and McCoy's (2019) framework of pernicious polarization, I examine how elites deploy anti-gender rhetoric as a mechanism to deepen societal divisions. Combining polarization with theories of securitization and stigmatization, I analyze the diversity of tools adopted by political elite. The research comparatively analyzes Turkey and Hungary in order to explore similarities and differences. This thesis attempts to fill the gap in the literature by bringing a gender perspective to polarization literature by deciphering the rhetoric of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Süleyman Soylu, and Viktor Orbán, three political figures who frame reproductive and sexual rights and gender identity as existential threats to national identity and family values. Drawing on theories of gender, polarization, securitization, and stigmatization, the study investigates how these leaders' discursive strategies legitimize exclusionary policies. I combine systematic content analyses of speeches through MAXQDA coding with Foucauldian discourse analysis. This dual approach made it possible to identify recurring themes, framing patterns, and the emotional tone embedded within anti- gender rhetoric. Two different types of graphs are included for all three leaders in this thesis: word trends and code trends. Findings reveal that Erdoğan, Soylu, and Orbán share a common ideological framework, however, they operationalize anti gender discourse differently. By integrating empirical evidence with theoretical insights, this thesis contributes to understanding the role of gendered narratives in sustaining electoral power and deepening societal divides. Keywords: Anti-gender, Discourse, Stigmatization, Securitization, Polarization

Zafer Partisi: Türk siyasetinde radikal sağ'ın ilk örneği

This dissertation examines the Victory Party (Zafer Partisi, ZP) as the first identifiable case of radical right politics in Turkey, with a focus on its anti-immigrant rhetoric and broader political agenda. Drawing on party documents, social media discourse, and semi-structured interviews with party members, the dissertation applies a theoretical framework grounded in the literature on radical right parties – emphasizing ideological pillars such as ethnic nationalism, exclusionary and inclusionary populism, nativism, xenophobia, racism, and authoritarianism. While these host ideologies have primarily been explored in Western European contexts, this research contributes a non-Western case, highlighting both continuities and departures in how radical right strategies are articulated within the Turkish political landscape. The findings reveal that although ZP mirrors many ideological and strategic patterns seen in European radical right parties, it also displays localized adaptations shaped by Turkey's unique sociopolitical environment. Its construction of migration as an existential threat legitimizes exclusionary measures and intensifies securitized, nationalist discourse. Simultaneously, the party positions itself as a legalistic and populist force against a corrupt elite, capitalizing on democratic disillusionment. The study concludes that ZP's rise reflects broader trends in global radical right mobilization while offering a distinct configuration of Turkish nationalism. By analyzing a case outside the traditional European focus, this dissertation facilitates the comparative study of the radical right and contributes to understanding the interplay between nationalism and immigration politics in contemporary Turkey. Keywords: Anti-Immigrant Sentiments, Nationalism, Radical Right Parties, Victory Party

Yalnız yaşamak: Yollar, deneyimler ve gelecek beklentileri

Tek başına yaşayan bireylerin sayısı dünya genelinde artmaya devam ederken, tek başına yaşamak giderek daha belirgin bir sosyal olgu haline gelmiş, özellikle akademik çevrelerde önemli ilgi görmüş ve çeşitli çalışmalarda araştırma konusu olarak ele alınmıştır. Ancak, mevcut literatür genellikle tek başına yaşamayı bir statü olarak kavramsallaştırmakta ve ağırlıklı olarak savunmasızlıklar ve damgalanmalarla olan ilişkilerine odaklanmaktadır. Bu eğilim, kavramın çok katmanlı ve çok boyutlu doğasını göz ardı etme riski taşımaktadır. Bu boşluğu gidermek için, bu çalışma bireyleri tek başına yaşamaya yönlendiren yolları, tek başına yaşama deneyimlerini ve yaşam düzenlemeleriyle ilgili gelecekteki beklentilerini araştırmaktadır. Amaç, kavramın çok boyutluluğunu ve dinamizmini vurgulamaktır. Bu analiz, çalışmanın verilerinden türetilen kategorileri tanıtarak literatürdeki mevcut tartışmaları tamamlamakta ve değiştirmektedir. Bu çalışmanın verileri, Türkiye ve İsveç'te yaşayan yirmi katılımcı, İsveç'ten yedi katılımcı ve İsveç'te ikamet eden Türkiye'den dokuz katılımcı olmak üzere otuz altı katılımcıyla yapılan derinlemesine görüşmeler yoluyla toplanmıştır. Bu tezin birincil katkısı, bu yollar, deneyimler ve gelecek beklentileri arasındaki çok boyutlu ilişkileri ortaya koymaktır. Ayrıca, çalışma tek başına yaşamanın çeşitli senaryolarını sunarken bu yönleri etkileyen çeşitli faktörleri ve kaynakları vurgular.

Türkiye'de kadınların kurucu temsili: Başörtüsü, kürtaj ve kadına yönelik şiddet üzerine parlamento tartışmaları

This dissertation critically examines the substantive representation of women in Turkey by analyzing the parliamentary discourses of female MPs on headscarves, abortion, and violence against women. It investigates how these issues are framed, how womanhood is defined, and how such concerns are embedded in broader political narratives. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the study explores parliamentary speeches from 2002 to 2023, focusing not only on what is said but how meanings are constructed, contested, and situated within wider debates. The analysis develops along two key dimensions. First, it identifies diverging definitions of womanhood, shaped by ideological, cultural, and party-based positions. Second, it traces how these discourses of womanhood are embedded in broader frameworks—community-based debates (citizenship, belonging, national identity) and practice-based debates (regime, governance, secularism, and democracy). By tracing how these discourses evolve across political parties and over time, the study uncovers the complex dynamics that shape women MPs' narratives. It argues that women's political representation is shaped by, and in turn helps shape, macro-level factors and socio-political contexts. The findings challenge the assumption that women in parliament constitute a homogeneous group and contribute to the literature on both substantive and constitutive representation. Ultimately, the study offers a dual analytical framework that links discursive constructions of womanhood to broader ideological and institutional struggles, arguing that substantive representation is inseparable from its constitutive dimension—particularly in dynamic and complex political environments.

Türkiye'de medyada nükleer enerji santrallerinin çerçevelenmesi ve kamuoyu üzerindeki etkisi: Deneysel bir araştırma

Media framing research has demonstrated significant effects on public opinion formation, yet limited attention examines how frame effectiveness varies across domains and individual characteristics within polarized political environments. Türkiye's polarized media system and ongoing nuclear energy development provide an optimal context for investigating these complex framing dynamics. This study examines how different media framings of nuclear energy policy influence Turkish citizens' attitudes and identifies the individual and contextual factors that moderate these effects. The research employed a 2×2×2 factorial experimental design manipulating frame valence (positive vs. negative), frame domain (national security vs. environmental security), and media source political orientation (pro-government vs. opposition). Participants (N = 778) were randomly assigned to experimental conditions and exposed to three news articles reflecting their assigned treatment combination before completing attitude measures. Results demonstrated framing effects. In the full sample, positive frames showed higher government policy support compared to negative frames. Among attention iv check passers (N = 443), government policy support remained significant and general attitudes reached significance. Domain analysis revealed asymmetry: national security frames produced significant effects across multiple attitude dimensions, while environmental security frames showed minimal impact. Individual differences revealed curvilinear moderation patterns for both media trust and knowledge, with moderate levels creating optimal framing susceptibility. The findings demonstrate that framing effectiveness depends critically on domain content and audience characteristics rather than simple valence manipulation. Results suggest that security-related frames may be more cognitively accessible in Türkiye's geopolitical context, while environmental arguments require more sustained communication efforts. Keywords: media framing, nuclear energy, polarization, public opinion, political communication

Tasarımda bütünleşik, uygulamada ayrışmış: Türkiye'de çocuk işçiliği politikası

Integrated policy strategies appear as an innovative solution for the contemporary policy issues and inherent problems of contemporary public policies. Growing scholarly interest in policy integration reveals the actor-driven and dynamic nature of policy integration. However, this awareness remains limited to the policy formulation stage. Accordingly, a vast amount of research handles policy integration as the end-all to effectively deal with contemporary policy issues at all stages of the policy cycle. Nevertheless, integrated policy strategies are not perfectly immune to the potential challenges of the policy implementation process. The inherent cross-sectoral and multi- actor structure, accompanied by varying levels of policy ambiguity, is common for both multi-sector and sectoral public policies. In this context, bridging the two bodies of literature on policy integration and policy implementation becomes particularly promising to analyze policy integration in practice. Therefore, this thesis aims to advance the state of the art by exploring which combinations of product policy ambiguity and policy conflict produces policy integration at the implementation stage following Matland's (1995) model of implementation. This study relies on a comparative case study based on semi-structured interviews from four cities selected from Türkiye with a particular focus on combating child labor in seasonal agriculture. Based on an analysis of the different combinations of different levels of policy ambiguity and policy conflict, this study proposes four worlds of product integration at the implementation stage: experimental, symbolic, political, and administrative. It shows that policy integration in implementation is a different object than in design, which necessitates an analysis of policy implementation rather than policy design. The thesis explores the four worlds of politics of implementation despite uniform policy design in each. In doing so, this thesis introduces a concept of perception of policy ambiguity considering its subjective and context-based characteristics. It also operationalizes both concepts, namely policy ambiguity and policy conflict, through interview data. Finally, it suggests ambiguity-driven sectoral conflict as a new form of sectoral conflict. Keywords: policy integration, product integration, policy ambiguity, policy conflict, child labor

Dış yardımda kalkınma ve güvenliğin kesişimi: Çin ve Japonya'nın Afrika'daki dış yardım faaliyetleri üzerine bir inceleme (2001–2021)

This thesis examines the post-Cold War merger of development and security in foreign aid by analyzing China's and Japan's aid strategies in Africa between 2001 and 2021. Guided by the research question, "How have development aid and security merged in the post–Cold War period?", the study investigates whether the merger pattern, previously identified in the aid strategies of North American and Western European donors, is also reflected in the cases of China and Japan. Employing a case study approach, the analysis draws on official documents from the Forum on China- Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), using policy discourse and policy design indicators of the merger derived from existing scholarship. The findings reveal a consistent pattern: development and security are merged in both policy discourse and policy design in China's and Japan's foreign aid strategies in Africa after the Cold War.

Kı̇mı̇n entegrasyonu? 2015-2018 yılları arasında Bosna Hersek'tekı̇ emek piyasası reformuna eleştı̇rel bı̇r bakış

This dissertation examines mechanisms of supervised sovereignty in Bosnia and Herzegovina's 2015-2018 labor market reforms, investigating how international actors shape domestic policy outcomes while maintaining the appearance of consensual reform. Drawing on decoloniality theory, the study employs discourse analysis of 84 policy documents, social network analysis of coordination architectures, and interviews with 20 labor market experts to analyze how supervised sovereignty operates through discourse legitimation, coordination architecture, and expert intermediation. The research reveals that international and domestic actors deploy complementary legitimation strategies that make externally-driven reforms appear simultaneously scientifically necessary, politically inevitable, and democratically legitimate. Social network analysis exposes structural design flaws in the Reform Agenda's coordination architecture, including excessive centralization and systematic marginalization of implementation actors and constitutionally mandated governance levels. Expert interviews demonstrate how local professionals become institutionally formed subjects whose identities require compliance with international frameworks, creating cycles where structural alienation generates deeper attachment to exclusionary systems rather than resistance. These findings contribute to understanding contemporary international governance by revealing how post-conflict interventions have evolved beyond overt administration toward sophisticated forms of epistemic control that maintain hierarchical relationships while preserving the appearance of partnership. The research challenges conventional explanations that attribute reform failures to insufficient political will or administrative capacity, demonstrating instead how structural design inadequacies reproduce the problems they claim to address while systematically marginalizing locally grounded alternatives to externally imposed development paradigms.

Türk kollektif hafızasında ideal Türk anlatıları: "Payitaht: Abdülhamid II" ve "Mehmetçik Kût-ül Amâre" dizilerinin bir analizi

This thesis analyzes the construction of the ideal Turk images by the television dramas "Payitaht: Abdülhamid II" and "Mehmetçik Kût-ül Amâre" in relation to the production of collective memory. They are examined within the framework of JDP's nationalism project, in particular the similarities and differences of the JDP's ideal image from the initial concept of ideal citizen constructed during the years of the early Republic. The aim of this thesis is to show what kind of an ideal citizen the JDP government constructs and implies it through re-visiting the existing elements of the ideal citizen which exists in Turkish collective memory in relation to their nationalism project. The characteristics of the represented ideal image is analyzed based on the four most repeated notions in both series. The ideal Turk's understanding of what their national duties are, their relationship withIslam, the West and the internal others have been determined as categories of analysis.After that, the changes and continuities between this narration and the official narration that is constructed during the first years of the new Republic is acknowledged with relation to the present government's doctrine.

Türkiye'de devlet ve sivil toplum ilişkilerini yeniden düşünmek: Göçmen sağlığı üzerine bir analiz

This thesis aims to investigate what kind of functions can civil society organizations serve in states that have historically created unfavorable structural conditions for them. For this purpose, a political ethnography study was conducted for over 3 years. Within the scope of this study, laws regulating the access of migrants to health services were examined, in-depth interviews with 29-people conducted, and participant observation was carried out in 8-places. This study theoretically argues that civil society organizations may challenge the structural boundaries determining the limits of their activity at the time of crises. Depending on the content and size of these crises, even historically statist states may have to make room for civil society. Within the empiric case of this study that analyzes civil society and state relations under migrant health field in Turkey, this thesis argues that the recent migration wave was the window of opportunity to gain a temporary space in the field for civil society organizations in Turkey, which are weak due to being under the tutelage of the state, originating from the statist tradition. Civil society has filled this area with positive contributions to all migrants; but the strong statist understanding of the state causes this circumstance to recede in the long-run. Given the findings of this thesis, it is concluded that the state needs to allow for civil society in the field of health while at the same time maintain fulfilling its inspection and coordination roles in that area.

Türkiye'deki yerel halkın Suriyeli mültecilere dair bakış açıları: Gün grupları örneği

This study mainly investigates the perceptions on Syrian refugees in Turkey, as one of the host countries. It does so by focusing on the case of the perceptions of the local population in Mersin, a city which received a substantial number of Syrian refugees in Turkey. The research is based on the analysis of data from five "gün" groups in Mersin, which consist of occasions of females of different age and socio-economic backgrounds on a fairly regular basis. In the context of this study, the discourses of the 'gün' participants will be analyzed, and the common patterns revealed in the 'gün' groups' discourses as prejudiced perceptions, stereotypes and hearsays, scapegoating, 'us' vs. 'them' and discriminative discourses will be emphasized. The study concludes that the discourses of the 'gün' members reveal marginalization and discursive exclusion of the Syrian refugees. It underlines the function of the 'gün' occasions as "building blocks of society" in identity (re)formation of the Syrian refugees in everyday life. The study also draws the conclusion that marginalization and exclusion are stemming from lack of interaction, cultural differences, language obstacle and lack of trust towards the Syrian refugees.

Alafranga züppe: Geç 19. yüzyıl Osmanlı romanlarında modern bireycilik

The thesis studies the Hamidian regime (1876-1909) of the Ottoman Empire with regard to the relations between Ottoman modernization, Westernization and the proto-individualism that was then taking roots without the concomitant development of capitalism and in the absence of bourgeoisie. To investigate these relations, the thesis concentrates upon the alla franca dandy literary figure; a francophile who adores European culture and feels aversion towards the Ottoman/Islamic culture. The alla franca dandy owes his existence to Ahmet Mithat's Felatun Bey and Rakım Efendi (1876) published as a critique of "false Westernization" and an attempt at circumscribing the limits of proper modernization, balancing the Ottoman/Islamic culture and Western material progress. He was thus born out of the Ottoman intellectuals' ideas of and anxiety over Westernization, who sought to modernize the society without subverting the traditional foundations. As the Ottoman/Islamic and Western cultures collided, the alla franca dandy became the embodiment of "false Westernization" and served the intellectuals' objective to educate the masses by setting a bad example. However, though the alla franca dandy was born to circumscribe the proper limits of modernization, he ironically evolved, through the novels of authors like Ekrem and Gürpınar), to express individualistic attitudes and put forth a modernist critique of the Ottoman/Islamic tradition as the intellectuals' epistemological assumptions eroded and the society's present is questioned and problematized as in need of intervention. Through an analysis of the alla franca dandy's development, the thesis tries to bring forth Ottoman modernity's unique nature and individualism's role in it.

Avrupa Birliği'nde küçük devletler: Avrupa Parlamentosu ve Avrupa Birliği Konseyi'nde siyasi temsiliyet

The 2004 Enlargement of the European Union marked an important development within the institutional history of the European Union with the participation of eight Central and Eastern European and two island states. The active representation of small member states became more important than ever in the European Union policy-making. Although the literature on the representation of small states in the European Union provides an enriching contribution, existing studies are limited by their focus on providing theoretical overviews which lack empirical case study analyses. This study tackles the issue of political representation of small member states in the European Union and empirically examines the role of four small member states in European Union policy-making. By developing a set of arguments on the domestic and supranational factors impacting the role of small state representatives, this research qualitatively examines the representation of Cyprus, Estonia, Luxembourg, and Malta in the European Union institutions. In this research, it is argued that domestic and supranational structural factors impact representation of small states in the European Parliament and Council of the European Union. Compared to large member states, representing high percentage of country's population, limited administrative resources and structures of party politics influence legislative behaviour of small state representatives. This leads representatives to establish a closer relationship with their constituencies in the European Parliament. Considering the Qualified Majority Voting method, representatives employ strategies which are particular to small states in order to influence voting processes in the Council of the European Union.

Göçün güvenlikleştirilmesi: İran İslam Cumhuriyeti'ndeki Afgan mülteciler örneği

Based on security studies literature, this dissertation examines securitization of migration and Afghan refugees in the Islamic Republic of Iran between 1979 and the present day. The main argument of the dissertation is that a pattern is discernible between Iran's direct involvement in armed conflicts and presenting migration as a security issue. Dividing the time framework into three periods, 1979-1989, 1989- 2012 and 2012 to present day, the dissertation shows that when Iran gets involved in an armed conflict, -as in the first and third periods- it welcomes the Afghan refugees and pursues integrationist policies, and when Iran enters a period of peace, it resorts to restrictive policies against the refugees. Both international and domestic factors, which lead to this special relationship between the independent variable -involvement in armed conflict- and the dependent variable -securitization of migration- are discussed in historical and sociological detail.

Militarizm çalışmaları: İngilizce dünya literatürü ve Türkiye literatürünün karşılaştırmalı analizi

Militarism has attracted academic attention since late seventeenth century. Scholars have defined and studied militarism in different ways. While during the First World War, militarism was studied as an ideology, in the post – Second World War period civil-military relations was the focus of analysis. Since the 1970s, the scholarship on militarism began to diversify. During the late 1980s, scholars started to study militarism as a sociological and historical phenomenon. This thesis aims to analyze how militarism has been studied in (English-speaking) world scholarship and in Turkey. By adopting meta-study technique, the thesis identifies the similarities and differences between the two bodies of scholarship. In the concluding section, the thesis discusses what Turkey's scholarship on militarism has focused on and overlooked in comparison to world scholarship.

Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde Türkiye'de resmi söylemde göçün güvenlikleştirilmesi

Since the end of the Cold War, Turkey has become a destination country for the human mobility of people who are not of 'Turkish descent and culture'. For the first time in the history of the Republic, Turkey has become a destination and not only a transit country. The thesis is interested in the changing official responses of the Republic to this transition. The question asked is whether and/or in what ways major human mobility cases to Turkey in the post-Cold War Era were securitized in the official discourse of the Republic. The cases that are focused on are the mobility of the 1989 Ethnic Turks of Bulgaria, and the Northern Iraqis in 1991, mobility from the post-Soviet countries and from the Central African countries since the early 1990s, and post-2011 Syrian human mobility. While examining this question, the thesis adopts the perspective of securitization theory and looks to see whether these human mobilities were portrayed as a threat to Turkey's national security or not.

"İçerideki dışarıdakiler:" İsrail ve Türkiye'de Filistin ve Kürt kökenli vatandaşlara yönelik devlet politikalarının bir karşılaştırması

Israel and Turkey have been regarded as ethnically divided societies where ethnicity represented a fundamental political cleavage between a national majority and ethnic minority. The formation of Israeli and Turkish nation-states simultaneously led to the "minoritization" of those Palestinians and Kurds who constituted the biggest ethnic and linguistic minority by a wide margin in their respective countries. While Israel never considered assimilating its Palestinian citizens into mainstream Israeli national identity, considering Jewishness as its essential and indispensable element, Turkey engaged in assimilation policies vis-à-vis its Kurdish citizens, which met with limited success. Although the two countries applied different methods of ethnic diversity management, they have converged in maintaining exclusive state identities, Jewish and Turkish, and excluded their Palestinian and Kurdish minorities from political and economic power. Especially in recent decades, both states have been challenged by their Palestinian and Kurdish minorities seeking equal treatment with the Jewish and Turkish majority. Minority demands share common elements: the recognition of their status as a national minority entitled to collective rights and effective inclusion into the political system. However, awarding full citizenship rights has been questioned on accounts of Jewish sovereignty dilution fears in Israel and Kurdish self-determination and partition in Turkey. Failing to distinguish their citizens from their trans-border ethnic kin groups and viewing them as part of trans-national community threatening Israeli and Turkish sovereignty, Israel's citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey's citizens of Kurdish descent have been turned into "inside outsiders."

Liderlerin dış siyasi şoklara tepkisi: Necmettin Erbakan & Recep Tayyip Erdoğan'ın liderlik özellikleri ve tarzlarının analizi

Turkey has witnessed a leader-oriented history of politics. Considering the role of leadership characteristics as an explanatory variable, this thesis follows the leadership studies suggesting that personal traits and leadership styles play significant roles in shaping a leader's policy-making process. Presupposing that the leader matters to adequately comprehend Turkish politics, this thesis focuses on the leadership traits and styles of two significant figures: Necmettin Erbakan (the founding member and leader of several prominent Islamic political parties in Turkey from the 1960s to the 2010s, namely the National Order Party (MNP), the National Salvation Party (MSP), the Welfare Party (RP), mentor of the Virtue and Felicity Parties); and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (chairman of the Justice and Development Party, Prime Minister between 2003 and 2014, and President since August 2014). In analyzing the role of the leadership traits and styles of Erbakan and Erdoğan in their decision-making process, the overarching methodological approach combines the Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA) with an at-a-distance assessment technique and the case study. Using LTA, this thesis discusses whether and in what ways Erbakan's and Erdoğan's traits and leadership styles changed in response to the military threats both leaders faced and their parties' closure cases. Considering valuable and meaningful results delivered by LTA, this thesis empirically expands the literature on Turkish political leaders and contributes theoretically to leadership studies on the role of exogenous shocks in studying politics.

Budapeşte ve Atina'da yüksek nitelikli göçmenlerin yaşadığı vatandaşlık deneyimleri: Yurtsever kozmopolit vatandaşların ortaya çıkışı

This study explores the lived citizenship experiences of highly-skilled migrants through the analysis of 62 semi-structured interviews and an online questionnaire (N=177) conducted in Budapest and Athens between October 2022 and February 2024. The study aims to understand and explain how citizenship is understood and appropriated by highly skilled migrants who develop multi-layered attachments as highly mobile individuals, reflecting on their everyday transnational lives in the urban setting of Budapest and Athens. The study suggests that migrants' understanding of citizenship is shaped based on an amalgamation of legal-political status laden with rights and duties, and an identity and multi-layered sense of belonging derived from their lived socio-economic, socio-cultural, and emotional experiences. This study defines lived citizenship as a sum of the relational process involving experiences of belonging and coexistence that individuals undergo in everyday life within and beyond states, in both public and private realms. The research argues that highly skilled migrants' experiences and narratives demonstrate a distinct understanding of citizenship, which is conceptualized in this study as patriotic cosmopolitan citizenship, turning them into hybrid citizens. The study advances the analytical framework and thinking on the foundation, manifestations, and operationalization of citizenship from below, underlining the significance of affective and subject-defining aspects. This empirical research goes beyond the existing studies which focus on policy-oriented, macro-level analyses of highly-skilled migration, presenting a unique contribution to the production of knowledge on highly skilled migrants in Budapest and Athens.

Türkiye'de siyasetin dönüşümü: Dikotomik kavramsal modellerin bir analizi

Bu çalışma Türkiye'de siyaseti açıklamak üzere önerilen "dikotomik kavramsal modeller"in 1990'lardan 2010'lara uzanan dönemde yaşanan siyasal dönüşüm etrafında geçerliliklerinin sorgulanmasını amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada Şerif Mardin'in "merkez – çevre", Metin Heper'in "aşkın devlet – toplum", İdris Küçükömer'in "Batıcı laik – Doğucu İslamcı" cephe ve Emre Kongar'ın "devletçi seçkinci - gelenekçi liberal" cephe modellerinden oluşan dikotomik kavramsal modellerin Türkiye'de son otuz yılda yaşanan siyasal değişme etrafında geçerliliklerini yitirmiş oldukları tezi öne sürülmektedir. Bu bağlamda dikotomik kavramsal modellerin geçerliliklerini, Türkiye siyasetini açıklama kabiliyetlerini ortadan kaldıran ve 1990'lardan 2010'lara uzanan ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal dönüşüm analiz edilmektedir. 1990 sonrası dönemde Türkiye'de yaşanan sosyo - politik dönüşümün ele alındığı bu analiz sürecinde çoğulcu grup yaklaşımından hareket edilmektedir. Çalışmada ayrıca söz konusu siyasal dönüşüm etrafında Türkiye'de yeniden şekillenen siyasal hayatı açıklamak üzere alternatif bir kavramsal model önerisinde bulunulmaktadır. Çoklu, çok aktörlü ve grup temelli bir yaklaşıma dayalı bu alternatif kavramsal model 'total siyaset' olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Total siyaset analizi çerçevesinde Türkiye'de siyasetin sosyal gruplar arasında sivil toplum, siyasal alan ve iktidar alanı düzeylerinde yaşanan, grup içi ve gruplar arası iktidar ilişkileri etrafında şekillendiği öne sürülmektedir.

Göç, vatandaşlık ve vatandaş olma kararı: Kanada ve Almanya'daki Türk göçmenler

Very few studies among migration, citizenship and nationalization literatures focus on the individuals and their ideas about recent migration motivation, naturalization decisions and conceptualization of citizenship. Based on in-depth interviews with highly skilled and business Turkish immigrants (HSBTI) in Canada and Germany, the study seeks the recent reasons of people to move and tries to understand whether the recent migration motivation of people is affected by citizenship and migration policies of host countries. Additionally, the study intends to build a typology for understanding the meaning of citizenship in the literature and to include individuals into the discussion by seeking how the individuals (mainly immigrants) define the concept citizenship in recent times. Lastly, the study tries to find out why some immigrants decide to receive the citizenship of country of destination while others do not. The study also tries to understand whether citizenship and migration policies of host countries as well as citizenship conceptualization of immigrants affect their decision-making process. Keywords: Defining citizenship, naturalization decision-making process, recentmigration motivation, high skilled and business Turkish immigrants, Turkey,Germany and Canada.

Türkiye'de merkez sağın tipolojisi

This dissertation analyzes the center-right in Turkey regarding its domestic politics and discourse through three main parameters which are democracy, state and secularism. A set of theoretical explanations helps to delve into the issue more deeply.

Siyasi partiler neden bölünür? Türkiye'de parti bölünmelerini ve bölünerek oluşan partileri anlamak

The process of splinter party formation has been understudied. This is related with the difficulties in studying the intraparty realm of politics and the inability of the splinter parties to turn into successful competitors. Employing an actor-oriented approach, this study traces the reasons behind splits in mainstream parties and formation of splinter parties. It intends to develop a theoretical model for explaining party splits in Turkey. It is asserted that party split is one of the possible outcomes of the competition between the dissenting faction and the dominant faction supporting the party leader. This outcome is preceded by two stages: dissent, and intraparty conflict. Strategies developed by dissenting faction and the party leader's response are conditioned by a number of endogenous and exogenous factors. Endogenous factors include the nature of disagreement, relative power of competing factions across the different layers of party organization and leadership autonomy. Exogenous factors include the costs of forming a new party and the perceived viability for a new party. Splinter party is formed in case the dissident faction that departs from the parent organization chooses to invest on a new party rather than switching to an established party. The model proposed in this dissertation is illustrated by a comparative analysis of five cases of party splits in Turkish party system since the transition to democracy in 1946. The political parties that are analyzed within the scope of this study include the Democrat Party, the Republican People's Party, the Justice Party, the True Path Party and the Democratic Left Party. The analysis reveals that endogenous factors are more influential over party splits compared to the exogenous factors. Moreover, in case the dissidents are unlikely to voice within the party platforms, they might simply resign without voice.

Türkiye ve Yunanistan'da yazılı basın ve sivil-asker ilişkileri

This study investigates how Greek and Turkish newspapers columnists interpreted and framed military takeovers in their countries after the takeovers had happened. Refuting arguments in the literature asserting that Greek columnists kept their silence during the military regime due to censorship, while there was strong and open support in Turkey among newspaper columnists for the 12 September coup and the subsequent rule, this study argues that the situations in both countries were much more complex than these studies have claimed. Directed by this approach, it focuses on the pieces published in the Greek newspapers Akropolis, Eleftheros Kosmos, and Ta Nea during the first six months of the military interregnum (after the 21 April 1967 takeover), and the ones published in the Turkish newspapers Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, and Milliyet (after the 12 September 1980 takeover). It shows that important similarities existed between Greek and Turkish officers' approach to the media in their countries during their respective periods of rule. In addition, Greek and Turkish columnists shared both similarities and differences in their framings and interpretations of the military's takeover in their countries and the subsequent interregna. This study argues that these similarities and differences can be better understood by examining the development of journalistic profession in Greece and Turkey, as well as by analyzing the development of civil-military relations and the role and position of the military in politics in both countries since their establishments as nation-states.

Kral'ın Avrupalı Fas'ı: Fas Krallığı'nın Avrupa Topluluğu'na üyelik başvurusuna postkolonyal bir yaklaşım

This study aims to analyze the membership application of the Kingdom of Morocco to the European Community in 1987 through postcolonial nationalism, which refers to the fact that the impacts of colonizer states continue on the national identity of the colonized states after colonialism. It analyzes the membership application of the Kingdom of Morocco to the European Community in terms of how Morocco felt European so that it claimed its Europeanness according to the article 237 of the Treaty of Rome that required the aplicant states to be European, as the main article of the Treaty that founded the European Community. Taking the Bhabhaian approach to hybridity as one of the main tenets of postcolonial nationalism, this dissertation argues that the Kingdom of Morocco's relations with the European Community in 1987 should go beyond why it applied to be one of its members that was already explained by different economic and political reasons. Instead, it offers a cultural aspect defined by postcoloniality that analyzes how Kingdom of Morocco asserted its Europeanness, and how it explained to the European Commission that it was a European state according to the Treaty of Rome. Framing Morocco's colonial status between 1912 and 1956, this dissertation examines how Morocco that constructed its national identity both during and after colonialism against Europe (against France) due to European colonialism (the French Protectorate) added Europeanness into this national identity in its postolonial period, by claiming that Moroccan nation and state together are European, with King Hassan II's membership application to the European Community. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that Morocco's 1987 membership application to the European Community is the instrumentalization of hybridity that was created by the French among Moroccan locals between 1912 and 1956 by King Hassan II, in the postcolonial Moroccan national identity to claim that Morocco was European according to the article 237 of the Treaty of Rome.

Kadın köşe yazarlarının kamusal alandaki "ara" konumlarını keşfetmek: Günümüz Türkiye'sinde feminist kimlik üzerine anlatılara bir bakış

This dissertation investigates women columnists' narratives on feminist self-identification with the aim to disclose the narrative lines along which feminist identity is negotiated in 2000's Turkey. In the contemporary social and political milieu in which neoliberal, neo-conservative discourses undermine feminist demands and the poststructuralist critique makes it difficult to articulate stable identity claims, the issue of feminist self-identification comes to the forefront as a critical theme underlying the discussions on the future of feminism. These global debates also resonate at the local level with a unique tune that derives its peculiarity from the social and political context in question. Keeping this in mind, I trace the repercussions of the debates outlined above in the Turkish social and political context. It has been widely argued that the current Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule in Turkey is heavily characterized by a neoliberal, neoconservative and antifeminist political stance. Given the antifeminist ethos of the current political landscape, public negotiations of feminist self identification in contemporary Turkey display multiple layers of complexity that are difficult to disentangle. This complexity begs the question of how feminist identity is negotiated and narrated in a discursive field in which antifeminist discourses are constantly reproduced through certain discursive opportunity structures. Against this background, this dissertation particularly focuses on the narratives of women columnists who are well-known public intellectual figures in contemporary Turkey. The study of media is especially important for a study that intends to examine the positionality of narratives on feminism in public deliberation. It is worthwhile to investigate the alternative media domains in the high circulation mass media and map out the zones of potential that can contribute to the counter hegemonic attempts challenging the contemporary conservative gender regime in Turkey. The study of women columnists' narratives on feminism and feminist identity may provide us a fertile ground to delve into the discursive openings in the mainstream media through which profeminist discourses can acquire a considerable standing in public deliberation. It can provide us critical tools to nuance our reading of public sphere by disclosing the functioning mechanisms of publics that constantly shift between hegemonic and subaltern publics, which we could name as "publics in-between". Following the research goals described above, this study intends to delve into the prominent features of the positionality of women columnists in contemporary Turkey vis-a-vis the political struggles over the gender regime and shed light on the intricacies, the promising aspects and the limitations in women columnists' narratives on feminism and feminist identity. As a result, it aims to disclose how women columnists situate themselves vis-a-vis feminist subaltern publics in contemporary Turkey. Keywords: Public Sphere, Women Columnists, Feminist Identification, Narratives

Hollanda ve İngiltere siyasal sistemlerinde göçmenlerin temsili

This research aimed to analyze how often, in what ways and under which conditions MPs of migrant origin addressed the cultural and religious rights and freedoms of ethnic and religious groups. A content analysis was conducted on parliamentary questions to achieve this aim. The cases of the Netherlands and the UK are analyzed within a time period between 2002 and 2012. The research follows the 'political opportunity structures' approach in analyzing available opportunities and constraints of political and institutional environments in the above-mentioned two cases. Taking recent trends in the neo-institutionalist understanding into consideration, the study also incorporates the idea of 'discursive opportunities' into the general frame of political opportunity structures. The holistic approach incorporates political parties as a dimension of institutional approaches and makes space for individual and group related factors such as gender identity and ethnic backgrounds of minority representatives. The content analysis combines qualitative and quantitative techniques to provide an in-depth understanding of the subject area on the one hand, and formulate generalizable patterns on the other. Comparing the British and the Dutch cases reveals to what extent, if any, the opportunity structures differ across Britain and the Netherlands; the latter showing a clear shift towards a more integrative approach, whereas Britain would still seem to be attached to multiculturalism even debating it loudly in recent years. Findings of the qualitative content analysis reveal suppressive framings as well as messages supporting cultural and religious rights. The quantitative content analysis challenges the profound role attributed to the citizenship regime and media discourse. Political party membership appears to be the most significant factor in explaining a variance in framing cultural and religious rights and freedoms in the parliament. The roles of ethnic background and gender identity are also significant. However, their impacts differ across the two cases. Keywords: Political representation, immigrant minorities, content analysis, The Netherlands, The UK

Fikir müteşebbisleri olarak Türkiye'de köşe yazarları, 1983-2007: Devlet tanımlamaları

The omnipotence of the state has been a dominant theme of discussions in Turkey for a long time. Though they have been a major party to these discussions due the fact that it was newspapers and periodicals that filled the large crevice left by the late development and dissemination of scholarly books in Turkey, columnists have been sorely understudied. In an attempt to help fill this void, this study discusses ten eminent Turkish columnists' conceptions of the state over a time period stretching from 1983 to 2007. Assuming columnists as 'idea entrepreneurs', who, create a sphere of influence with their ideas, and use this sphere to further create new ideas or transform existing ones thanks to networks provided by this sphere, this dissertation brings together three seemingly separate literatures on media, state and entrepreneurship. Data acquired from analysis of considerable number of columns and semi-structured elite interviews has been processed by using qualitative content analysis and archival document analysis. The data has been coded in reference to five themes: national security and survival of the state, order and stability, economy, the shrinking state, and the rule of law. This study contributes to the literature by bringing to the fore the following results: notwithstanding intensified emphasis on liberalizing state-society relations in that time period, it first shows that the state-centered ideas set the language of politics; the press deems itself as part of this state-centered language; considerable amount of columns still teetered between transcendentalism and instrumentalism in terms of their state perceptions. Keywords: Idea Entrepreneurs, Political Communication, State, Columnists, Turkish Politics

Kalkınmakta olan dünyada refah devletinin oluşumu

Are there welfare states in the developing world? According to conventional wisdom there cannot be. The 'orthodox model' of welfare state emergence assumes that only industrialised countries can become welfare states. Yet, there is a growing literature on welfare states in developing countries. In this dissertation, I address this puzzle through two research questions: are there welfare states in the developing world? And if there are, how can we explain the emergence of these deviant cases? I explore these questions through a sequential mixed-method research design. First, I conduct a large-n fuzzy set analysis to identify welfare states in the developing world. Second, I undertake a small-n comparative-historical analysis to explain how three developing countries - Brazil, Costa Rica and South Africa – became welfare states. I find two pathways to welfare stateness in lower income contexts: (1) a social democratic pathway in which centre-left parties build the welfare state in the context of democracy (2) a Bismarckian pathway, in which state elites build the welfare state in a non-democratic context. The first pathway resembles power resources theory, but labour's role is different. The second pathway partially supports state-centred research. However, contradicting theoretical expectations, I find that state capacity is not a precondition for the welfare state. Finally, even in these deviant cases, welfare state building is connected to industrialization. By the time they became welfare states, the three cases were no longer low income countries. Therefore, I conclude that a moderate degree of development is necessary for welfare state emergence. Keywords: Comparative-Historical Analysis, Development, Fuzzy Set Analysis,Social Policy, Welfare State

Hannah Arendt'in siyasal düşüncesinde eylem ve iktidar arasındaki karşılıklı bağımlılık ilişkisi

This thesis analyzes the interdependent relation between action and power in Hannah Arendt's political thought. In this study, it is argued that reading Arendt's political theory by considering action as the only defining aspect of her understanding of politics is misleading. Power constitutes the public realm, and brings remedies to the unpredictability and individualism of action through mutual promising and recognition. In this respect, power relations provide recognition, evaluation and meaning for action in the public realm. Outside the context of power, action loses its revelatory function in disclosing the identity of an individual and retreats from the public realm. Keywords: Hannah Arendt, action, power, promising, recognition, judgment. in

28 Şubat sonrası Türkiye'de Cumhuriyet Bayramları'nın değişen rolü: Ulusal imgelemi yeniden oluşturan ve şekillendiren yaklaşımlar

ABSTRACT REPUBLIC DAYS IN THE POST 1997 PERIOD TURKEY: COMMEMORATIVE ACTIVITIES AS EMBODIED AND CONTESTED INTERVENTIONS TO THE IMAGINARY TERRAIN OF THE 'NATION' F. Gizem Zencirci M.A., Department of Political Science Supervisor: Assistant Prof. Dr. Dilek Cindoğlu September 2004 This thesis explores the Republic Day holiday celebrations and their representations in three newspapers; Zaman, Hürriyet and Cumhuriyet in the post- 1997 period from a perspective which argues that commemorative activities are a point onto which interventions signify both embodiment and contestation for the 'national imaginary'. To this end, this thesis examines the differences in the way various nationalistic discourses relate to the 'national imaginary' by employing various presences in the terrain of the Republic Day holiday. Resulting from this analysis, this thesis argues that the differences in the way various ideological positions relate to the Republic inday holiday do not lessen, in fact strengthen the function of the Republic Day holiday in the reconstruction and reimagining of the terrain of the 'nation', since the differences in 'national imaginary' are expressed via interventions to the Republic Day holiday which thus occurs as a legitimate referent 'of the nation.' Key Words: Nationalism, Turkey, Post- 1997 Period, Republic Day Holiday, Commemoration IV