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Cumhuriyetçi özgürlük kavrayışı: Philip Pettit'in politik ideali
Özgürlük kavramı şüphesiz tarih boyunca siyaset felsefesinin temel değerlerinden biri olmuştur. Ancak siyasal düşünceler içerisinde özgürlüğün birey için mi yoksa toplum için mi öncelikli olacağına dair tartışmalar yıllar boyunca süregelmiştir. Bu tartışmalarda özellikle kendini bireyin özgürlüğünü sağlamada tek yol olarak gören liberal düşünceye karşı cumhuriyetçi düşünce geleneği karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Cumhuriyetçilik, antik çağlardan beri çeşitli tarihsel süreçleri yaşayan ve bugün etkisini sürdüren bir düşünce geleneğidir. Cumhuriyetçi düşünce geleneğinde önemli olan ve çalışmamız gereği üzerinde yoğunlaştığımız kavramlardan biri özgürlüktür. Özgürlük kavramı cumhuriyetçi gelenek içerisinde dönemin sosyal ve siyasal şartlarına bağlı olarak şekillenmiştir. Bu çalışmada özgürlük kavramı, cumhuriyetçi düşünce geleneği temelinde ele alınmıştır. 20.yüzyılda cumhuriyetçiliği bir yönetim biçimi olarak inceleyen Philip Pettit'in geliştirmiş olduğu özgürlük teorisi kapsamlı bir biçimde incelenmiştir. Bununla birlikte cumhuriyetçi geleneğin daha iyi anlaşılabilmesi adına çalışma içerisinde tarihsel serüveni aktarılmıştır. Farklı dönemlerde farklı yorumlamalara bağlı olarak öne çıkan yurttaşlık, özgürlük ve eşitlik gibi cumhuriyetçi değerler incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın amacı, cumhuriyetçi düşünürler arasında özgürlük kavramını kendine özgü bir şekilde ele alan Philip Pettit'in 'tahakkümsüzlük' idealini soruşturmak, bu politik idealin cumhuriyetçi yönetim içerisinde gerçekleştirebileceği gerekli koşulları açığa çıkarmaktır.
On altıncı yüzyılda Osmanlı Donanmasının denizcilikteki yeni gelişmeleri uygulamadaki isteksizliğinin siyasi, askeri ve ekonomik nedenleri
Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun yeni özellikle yelkenli gemiler ile ilgili olan teknolojik gelişmeleri Batılı deniz kuvvetlerinden bir yüzyıl daha sonra benimsemesinin nedenleri üzerine odaklanmayı amaçlamaktadır. Coğrafya, siyasi nedenler, askeri kararlar, ekonomik faaliyetler ve bireysel etkilerin yeni teknolojilerin benimsenmesini nasıl etkiledikleri ayrı ayrı değerlendirilecektir. Bu faktörlerin her biri, farklı şekillerde, Osmanlı donanmasının, filosunu modernize edip etmemesi konusunda aldığı kararlara katkıda bulunmuştur.
Psikolojik şiddet çerçevesinde mobbing incelemesi
Ailede, okulda, arkadaşlar arasında, ikili ilişkilerde, iş hayatında yani hayatın her alanında bir şekilde üzüldüğümüz, kırıldığımız, kendimizi kötü hissettiren, bizi derinden etkileyen davranışlar ile karşılaşabilmekte ve çoğunlukla ne ile karşı karşıya olduğumuzu bilemediğimizden de bu davranışlarla başa çıkmakta zorlanmaktayız. Çalışmamın birinci bölümünde, kuramsal çerçeve kapsamında şiddet ve psikolojik şiddet kavramları anlatılmıştır. Diğer bölümlerde ise mobbing konusu, mobbing davranışları, nedenleri ve türleri ele alınmıştır. Ardından, mobbing süreci, mobbingin sonuçları, mücadele yöntemleri ve Çalışma ve Sosyal Güvenlik İletişim Merkezi Alo 170' e yapılan başvurulara yer verilmiştir. Bu çalışmada, mobbingin bir psikolojik şiddet türü olduğuna dikkat çekmek, mobbing kavramının tanınmasının, iş yaşamında karşılaşılan kötü davranışların adlandırılmasının ve ciddiyetinin farkına varılarak gerekli önlemlerin alınmasının sağlanması amaçlanmaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Mobbing, Psikolojik Şiddet, Şiddet
1990'lı yılların Türkiye siyasetine genel bir bakış: Yeni Demokrasi Hareketi örnek olayı
Bu çalışmada amacımız, 1990'lı yıllar Türkiye siyasetinin karakteristik özelliklerini akılda tutarak, Yeni Demokrasi Hareketi'ni (YDH) anlamaya çalışmaktır. İki bölümden oluşan çalışmanın birinci bölümünde; 1990'lı yıllar Türkiye siyasetinin genel özellikleri ortaya konmaya çalışılacaktır. İkinci bölümde ise ilk bölümde çizdiğimiz çerçeve üzerinden YDH'nin değerlendirilmesi yapılacaktır. Yeni Demokrasi Hareketi, 1993 Nisan'ında işadamı Cem Boyner'in ev sahipliğinde düzenlenen ve bir nevi "beyin fırtınası" olarak isimlendirebileceğimiz toplantılar neticesinde kendisini Türkiye kamuoyuna tanıtmıştır. 1993 yılının sonlarına doğru popülerliğini arttıran YDH, bir sivil toplum hareketi olmaktan çıkıp "gayrı resmi bir siyasal parti" işlevine bürünmüştür. 1994 yılının ortalarına doğru kamuoyundan gelen olumlu geri dönüşler, YDH'nin resmen bir siyasal partiye dönüşme çabalarını hızlandırmıştır. 1994 yılının son haftasında resmen bir siyasal partiye dönüşen YDH, Genel Başkan Cem Boyner'in liderliğinde teşkilatlanma çalışmalarını hızlandırmıştır. YDH, kuruluşundan tam bir yıl sonra gerçekleştirilen 1995 Milletvekili Erken Genel Seçimlerine katılmış ancak % 0,48 oy alarak büyük bir hayal kırıklığı yaşamıştır. Bir sivil toplum hareketi iken büyük bir sempatiyle bakılan ve kamuoyunun teveccühüne mazhar olan YDH, hareketin bir siyasal partiye dönüşmesinin ardından, eski popülerliğini ve kamuoyu desteğini yitirmiştir. Seçimlerde alınan kötü neticenin ardından yeniden YDH Genel Başkanı seçilen Cem Boyner, 1996 Nisan'ında YDH Genel Başkanlığını ve siyaseti bıraktığını açıklamıştır. Boyner'in partiden ayrılmasının ardından Hüseyin Ergün'ün genel başkanlık görevini yürüttüğü YDH, tam anlamıyla bir "tabela partisi"ne dönüşmüş ve 1997 Kasım'ında Barış Partisi'ne katılma kararı alarak siyasal hayattaki varlığına son vermiştir.
Jean Baudrillard ve bir simulacrum olarak "Arap Baharı"
Fransız sosyolog ve düşünür Jean Baudrillard'a göre gerçeklik sona ermiş ve artık hipergerçeklik dönemine girilmiştir. Kamusal alanda üretilmiş gerçeklerle karşılaştığımızı dile getiren Baudrillard, Batı medeniyeti modeline ilişkin eleştirisini simulacrum kavramı ve simülasyon teorisi ile açıklar. Simulacrum, hakikat yerine algılanan görünümü anlatan bir terimdir. Baudrillard'a göre tarih adına söylenen birçok şey simulacrum ile açıklanabilir çünkü unutulmuş geçmiş içinden yeni bir gerçeklik üreterek kitlelerin algısını yönetmek, egemen ideolojinin iktidarını pekiştirmek için her zaman kullandığı yöntemlerden biridir. Soğuk Savaş sonrasında, başta Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) olmak üzere tüm dünyada güvenlik ve tehdit algıları değişmiş, buna egemen devletlerin yeni pazar ve kaynak arayışları da eklenince güç mücadelesinin odağına Ortadoğu yerleşmiştir. Bu coğrafyada 1. Körfez Krizi'yle başlayan mücadele süreci 11 Eylül saldırıları sonrasında, 'küresel terörizmle savaş' ve ahlaken 'özgürlük' söylemi üzerinden yapılan gerekçelendirme kullanılarak Irak'ın işgali ile devam etmiş ve "Arap Baharı"na kadar uzanmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı; Baudrillard'ın simülasyon teorisinden yola çıkarak Arap Baharı'nın hakikatle ilgisini tartışmak ve aslında kitlelerin algısını yönetmek üzere imal edilen bir gerçeklik üzerine kurulu yani bir simulacrum olduğunu ortaya koymaktır.
2016 Amerikan başkanlık seçimlerinin Türk dış politikasında söylem ve tutumlara yansıması
1 Ağustos 2016 ve 8 Kasım 2016 tarihleri arasında Amerikan Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) Başkanlık Seçimlerini de kapsayan dönemde eleştirel söylem analizi üzerinden yapılan bu araştırmada Türkiye'de dış politikanın iç politikaya yansımaları medya aracılığı ile incelenmiştir. 15 Temmuz darbe girişiminin ardından inişli çıkışlı politik olaylar tecrübe eden Türkiye, ABD Başkanlık seçimlerine kadar iç politikada her saat değişen gündem başlıklarıyla karşı karşıya kalmıştır. FETÖ'nün küresel bir tehdit olduğu ve Türkiye'ye iade edilmesi, Türkiye'nin Fırat Kalkanı operasyonuyla Suriye'de etkili hale gelmesi, mülteciler ve İnsani Yardım Zirvesi'ne ev sahipliği yapması konusunda ABD ile başlatılan karşılıklı temaslar, 8 Kasım 2016 tarihindeki ABD Başkanlık Seçimine kadar sürdürülmüştür. Bu çalışmada Türkiye ile ABD arasında bu süreçte yürütülen diyaloglar, talepler ve tavizler açısından ele alınmıştır. Bu talep ve tavizlerin müzakere edildiği diyalogların anlaşılması için Hürriyet Gazetesi ve Sabah Gazetesindeki haberler, "Eleştirel Söylem Analizi" yöntemiyle incelenmiştir. Gazetelerin incelenmesinde haberin yalınlığı, tutarlılığı ve politik sorunlara odaklanması konusundaki dönüşümleri ve yeniden yapılandırılarak uygulanması araştırılmıştır. Yürütülen "diyaloglar" konusunda Hürriyet ve Sabah Gazetelerinin kamuoyu oluştururken farklı söylemler kullandıkları hususu bu araştırmanın sonuçlarındandır. Anahtar Kelimeler: 2016 Amerikan Başkanlık Seçimleri, Hürriyet ve Sabah Gazetesi, Eleştirel Söylem Analizi, Türkiye'de İç ve Dış Politika, Türk Dış Politikasında Söylem ve Tutumlar
İsrail devleti güvenlik algısının iç ve dış politikaya yansımaları
İsrail'de tarih boyunca oluşan güvenlik hassasiyetleri hem iç hem de dış politikada belirgin biçimde görülmektedir. İç politikada İsrail Savunma Kuvvetleri'nin kadın-erkek ayırmaksızın vatandaşlarına getirdiği uzun süreli zorunlu askerlik hizmeti ve aktif bir yedek ordu bulundurma politikalarının yanı sıra savunma harcamaları için ayırdığı yüksek bütçeler, güvenlik hassasiyetlerinin ne kadar ön planda olduğunun tezahürleridir. Dış politikada ise komşu devletlerle olan ilişkilerinde, Filistinlilere yönelik uygulama ve politikalarında güvenlik önceliklerinin çok yüksek olduğu görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda bu çalışmada İsrail'in yüksek güvenlik hassasiyetleriyle şekillenen iç ve dış politikasında sıklıkla başvurduğu kuvvet kullanımlarına çalışılmış ve bu politikaların uluslararası hukuk bakımından değerlendirilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Anahatar kelimeler: İsrail, güvenlik, kuvvet kullanımları, ön alıcı vuruş
The effect of climate change on migration: A study of sub-saharan Africa
Climate, which is one of the basic factors for throughout life, has become one of the factors that threaten the world in the 21st century. Throughout history, people have lived their lives based on this phenomenon, but some developments in the globalizing world have led to uncontrolled warming of the weather and associated changes in the climate. The effects of climate change on the planet are visible in many different areas. Migration, a concept at least as old as climate change, has many causes and processes. Although recent studies have been conducted on the connection between these two life-determining factors, the lack of data on this topic is striking. For this reason, the study aims to draw a general framework between human-caused climate change and migration, provide a resource for future studies and contribute to this lack in the literature. Migration is an option as climate change increases the frequency and intensity of natural disasters and causes environmental degradation. The impact of climate change on underdeveloped and developing countries is clear, especially those whose economies depend on agriculture and animal husbandry. Some countries in sub-Saharan Africa, which covers a wide region, are quite fragile due to socio-economic and geographical conditions. The study selected ten countries as sources after providing general information about the region regarding the impact of climate change on migration. The frequent occurrence of drought and flood disasters in countries is one of the reasons for the preference. In the study, case study design, one of the qualitative analysis methods, was considered the most appropriate method and the main theme was supported by reports and documents. The study concluded that climate change cause movement, but effective steps should be taken in the legal, academic and policy fields to more clearly determine the relationship between these variables.
Moving beyond existing theory of state feminism: Introducing a typology of state feminism
In the state feminism literature, state feminism has generally been attempted to be standardized and mostly focused on developed Western countries. However, ignor-ing the other countries except the developed Western ones has caused to overlook that state feminism can manifest itself in different ways. On the other hand, in the limited number of researches about the third world countries, the uniqueness of the related country has been discussed and has not been compared with the countries that have tra-ditionally been known as the implementers of the state feminism or the state feminist implementations of these countries have been explained within the context of Western and/or Scandinavian approaches, ignoring the distinctive dynamics of these countries. In this research, it is seen that the peculiar background of the selected countries diversi-fies the implementations of state feminism. Therefore, one has considered that there is no single type of state feminism; state feminism may be varied depending on the im-plementer. It is suggested that the relationship between the state and women in each of the states adopted state feminism for different purposes differentiates state feminism. It is also offered an insight into the cases that state feminism does not aim to achieve gen-der equality and broaden women's rights directly. The characteristics of the relationship between state feminism and the implementer state are revealed through the correlation between three main and five supporting determinants, and thus, the type of state femi-nism in which the selected countries belonged is determined. Accordingly, forty-one independent countries are chosen for the analysis, and seven different types of state feminism are proposed as a result. Eventually, each type named in order to indicate their intent by practicing state feminism.
The effect of religious education policies on university students' perception of religiosity during the AK Party period
Religious education policies are among the hottest topics in our country. In line with the needs of the society and that of the state, the education of individuals via schooling is generally determined through religious education policies. There is no doubt that states demand to raise individuals they like to mould, and they implement education policies to that end. Accordingly, religion and state relations are regarded as inseparable. In this study, firstly, in order to understand the concepts and end the confusion, the conceptual framework will be mentioned, and then the history of the religious education policies will be discussed. In this context, the religious education policies during the Ottoman and Republican period will be briefly examined. Then, the religious education policies of the AK Party period will be examined. Social change reports and religiosity studies prepared by research companies have led us to conduct the research on the effects of religious education policies on religiosity. As a matter of fact, it was expected that the religious propaganda and education carried out by the state would affect the religiosity of the citizens in the desired way. For example, with the 4 + 4 + 4 education system implemented in 2012, the number of secondary religous schools increased significantly. However, many studies have revealed that the situation proves to be the opposite and directed us to study this area. Within the scope of our study, 12 region-based interviews were conducted across Turkey and in line with Level 1 of Statistical Region Units (SRU). In this context, open-ended questions were asked to the participants. In addition, the process tracing method was used in this study. In this method, periods were written in the number line column, signifying a historical process. Presidents, prime ministers, and the religious education policies in practice were placed in the number line column. Finally, the religiousness graph was compared with these periods. This made it possible to comment on how religionization differs according to the president, prime minister, government of the period and the policies implemented. This research aims to answer such questions as: Do religious education policies affect religiosity? Have people questioned their religious beliefs more in recent years? Can religious education policies direct the rate of the increase and decrease in religiosity? Do religious discourses increase devotion, or drive people away from religion or lead to the corruption of the sacred? Have the policies implemented by the AK Party has increased or decreased religiosity? If so, is the policy problem implemented, or is a rapidly decreasing religiosity decreasing with these policies? Do the changing perceptions on religiosity reflect global changes in our country or is it due to the developments in Turkey?
The AK Party's ideological shift: From "post-Islamism" to "Muslim nationalism"
Existing literature on Turkish politics emphasizes that Turkey had an authoritarian turn in the second AK Party term (2013 - ). However, existing literature has been silent on discourses of the AK Party's leaders before and after the authoritarian turn. This thesis focuses on discourses of the AK Party's leaders in general elections to examine the AK Party's authoritarian turn and asks "Is there any ideological shift in these two periods and can we follow this shift by considering the discourse of AK Party leaders in general elections (2002-2013, 2013-2018)?" To answer these questions, discourses of the AK Party's leaders are examined in six general elections. Thesis claims the AK Party's authoritarian turn can be seen by considering discourses of party leaders of the AK Party in general elections. This thesis shows that the first period of the AK Party (2002-2013) was a result of post-Islamist ideology that is relevant to Turkey's democratization, the second period (2013-2018) was a result of Muslim nationalist ideology that cause authoritarian turn.
Karşılaştırmalı kadın dostu politikalar: Mardin, İzmir ve Samsun Büyükşehir Belediyeleri
In this thesis, the activities of municipalities in different regions and represented by different political parties within the framework of 7 areas in the Local Equality Action Plan, which was shaped within the framework of the ideal of Women Friendly Cities supported by the United Nations, were evaluated and it was discussed to what extent these activities overlap with the ideal of Women Friendly Cities. In this context, the suitability of the services provided by municipalities towards women in these thematic areas was investigated. In addition, the contents of the trainings given in the fields of economy, health and awareness raising were examined to understand whether the content of these services complies with the gender mainstreaming approach. In this context, an evaluation of the public sphere and private sphere debate over the concept of gender has been made, and current conceptual discussions about gender equality and gender equality mainstreaming strategy have been included. In addition, the approaches of the UN to women's policies are given by including the historical process and feminist theories are discussed for a better understanding of these concepts. Policies that will ensure gender equality are implemented to solve the problems of women in accessing, participating, and benefiting from local government mechanisms; to ensure equality in the society in economic, social, cultural, and political, to increase awareness and to improve the situation of women. Gender mainstreaming, which is a gender equality strategy, means bringing a perspective that will ensure gender equality to all major plans and policies and transforming changes in this direction. Gender mainstreaming aims to eliminate the backwardness of women in society, to reduce their limited access to local mechanisms, to increase their participation and utilization, and to empower women. In this context, the Women-Friendly City program, created for municipalities, purposes to provide equality in many issues such as governance, security, transportation, economic security, education, social life, and health, and to eliminate existing grievances. The sample of the research created by the criterion sampling method of the purposive sampling method. The activity reports of these municipalities between the years 2015-2020 were examined by focusing on the municipalities of İzmir, Mardin and Samsun, and the qualitative content analysis method was used. In addition, the activities of the municipalities it is assumed that all studies are included in the activity reports. The suitability of municipalities' services to the seven thematic areas included in the Local Equality Action Plans was discussed. The contents of the trainings given in the fields of economy, health and awareness were examined and it was examined whether the content of these services was suitable for the gender equality approach. In addition, the studies and trainings of these metropolitan municipalities were evaluated by comparison. As a result, it has been seen that the services and projects of the municipalities for women are suitable for the determined thematic areas. When the contents of the trainings given in the fields of economy, health and awareness are examined, it is seen that all three perspectives about equality are included to gender mainstream. In addition, it has been observed that the diversity of services varies according to the regions, the needs and demands of the citizens, the discourses of the political parties towards women, and the visions of the mayors. Finally, suggestions were made for municipalities to achieve the ideal of a women friendly city.
Yerel entegrasyon yönetişiminde adhokrasi: Ankara'daki Suriyeli mültecilerin yerel entegrasyonuna yönelik Altındağ ve Çankaya belediyelerinin yaklaşımlarının karşılaştırılması
When the mass inflows started from Syria to Turkey in 2011, Turkey welcomed the Syrian refugees in the camps that were built in border cities in the first place. However, as the years passed, the number of Syrians who took refuge in Turkey increased, and most Syrians started to mobilize toward the cities where job opportunities are high. So, the local governments at the forefront of the Syrian forced migration management had the responsibility to provide services for the newcomers without any legal authorization. In such a condition, it is quite important to investigate whether there is any congruence or interplay between the central government playing the steering role with its decision-making and regulatory bodies and the municipalities facing the challenges of integration at the city level. Since the Syrians in Turkey have temporary protection status for an indefinite time period, the integration policy development has been characterized by the national policy ad-hocracy, which is also expected to be reflected in the responses of the municipalities. Hence, this study aims to analyze the extent that the approaches regarding the local integration of Syrians in Altındağ and Çankaya municipal districts in Ankara could be considered as part of the national policy ad-hocracy. This study revealed that although there are great differences between the difficulties faced by Altındağ and Çankaya municipalities, political party policies are often decisive in terms of local integration efforts of municipalities.
Georgia's ethnic minority integration policies in Kvemo Kartli region
In multiethnic Georgia, the largest ethnic minorities are Azerbaijanis and they compactly and peacefully live in the Kvemo Kartli region which is also home to people from various ethnic, cultural, and religious backgrounds. This thesis aims to explain the survival and maintenance of Georgian Azerbaijani identity in post-soviet Georgia. We delve into evolving circumstances of ethnic minorities in the Kvemo Kartli region over recent decades and we analyze the nature of Georgia's policies towards Azerbaijanis and other ethnic minorities. The study also endeavors to assess the consequences of governmental policies that have been implemented since Georgia's attainment of independence. We conducted a case study of Azerbaijanis in the Kvemo Kartli region which included documental analyses, and semi structured expert interviews. For documental analyses, we examined main reports, websites, media analyses, and literature on Georgian Azerbaijanis and ethnicity, nationalism. Through conducting a case study, and historical and documental analysis of Georgia's policies for ethnic minority integration, as well as external influences on the region, this study sheds light on the principal accomplishments, shortcomings and future requirements. The research discerns that despite maintaining the cohesion of Georgian Azerbaijanis within the Georgian state and upholding the rich diversity of ethnic communities, disparities in ensuring equality among these groups persist as a hindrance to the successful ethnic-cultural integration of Georgian Azerbaijanis into Georgian society.
Understanding political attitudes of right wing voters in the post -2002 period: Beyond ideology versus pragmatism
This research aims to deepen and broaden our understanding of the political attitudes of right-wing voters, who are accepted to hold the key to Turkish politics due to their large numbers. While there is a wealth of quantitative macro-level analysis focused on identifying the political preferences and voting behaviour of Turkish voters in the post-2022 period, this research conducts in-depth interviews to understand the meaning-making processes of voters and to draw mental maps of right- wing voters. By this way, this research aims to throw light to how voters combine and interpret ideologies, values, collective memory, traditions, identities, emotions, and changing situational factors and create their own 'subjective political field'. The main argument of this research is that explaining political attitudes of right-wing voters with ideology versus pragmatism approach is highly superficial and inadequate. Going beyond this dichtomy, we try to identify how similar political, economic and cultural factors can strengthen or deter right-wing voting and how it can alienate voters based on voters' subjective political field.
The rise of far-right populism in Türkiye: The case of the Zafer Party in 2023 election
This thesis examines the emergence of the Zafer Party and its impact on Turkish politics by focusing on its far-right populist discourse during the 2023 General Elections. Since the 1980s, globalization has exacerbated regional conflicts and migration, fueling populist and nationalist movements worldwide. In Türkiye, the mass migration from Syria has significantly altered the political landscape, contributing to the rise of right-wing populism. Founded in 2021 by Ümit Özdağ, the Zafer Party has capitalized on these dynamics, emphasizing a strong nationalist and anti-immigration rhetoric. This study aims to analyze the Zafer Party's founding manifesto, newspaper coverage, and YouTube election rallies as representations of its media presence through thematic and content analysis methods. It seeks to understand the party's political strategies and ideological stance during the 2023 election campaign, its relationship with far-right populism, and its contribution to the anti-immigration dimension of Turkish nationalism. By doing so, the research aims to shed light on the party's ideological foundations, the evolution of its discourse, and the factors underlying its electoral success. The study identifies three key themes that resonate with voters: Anti-Immigration and Nationalism, Commitment to Atatürk's Principles and Reforms, and Combatting Corruption. These themes reflect the party's strategic alignment with public concerns, particularly those surrounding migration and national identity.The findings reveal that the influence of the globally rising far-right populism was also evident in Türkiye, particularly during this election period. The Zafer Party's impact on the 2023 elections was largely driven by its far-right populist discourse. These narratives not only amplified the party's influence but also emerged as one of the dominant themes of the electoral period. This analysis of the Zafer Party's role in the 2023 elections provides insights into far-right populist politics rooted in anti-immigration sentiment in Türkiye. The findings suggest that immigration and anti-immigration far-right rhetoric will remain significant themes in Turkish political discourse. This study contributes to ongoing debates on nationalism and political realignment within Türkiye's evolving political landscape. In doing so, it not only sheds light on the dynamics that facilitated the Zafer Party's electoral success but also offers a broader understanding of the forces shaping contemporary Turkish politics.
A comparison of the settlement and adaptation of Somali refugees in Ethiopia and the United Kingdom with special attention to females
This study aims to investigate the settlement and adaptation of Somali refugees in Ethiopia and the UK since 1991. Through comparative and historical case studies of Somali refugees in both countries, we investigate the reasons for insufficient levels of integration and the reasons for poor adaptation. We argue that refugees in Ethiopia cannot settle and adapt despite long periods of stay in the country due to their living in camps, being excluded from society, and inability to integrate into local societies and economies. While Ethiopia follows a compassionate policy of open- borders and settlement of a large number of refugees, the economic and legal-political limitations of the Ethiopian state mostly account for the protracted non-integration of refugees. Comparatively, re-settled and "legal" refugees in the UK do not suffer from "bare life" issues and can reach education and employment, though their adaptation is severely limited by feelings of insecurity and discrimination due to raising New Right, racist, and anti-immigrant movements. However, the UK does not even aim to settle a larger portion of "illegal" or "irregular migrants," which are also in fact refugees escaping war and poverty. The thesis pays special attention to female refugees, who are the least integrated and who suffer incredible costs in the process of migration and settlement due to violence, breakdown of families and social norms, and lack of gendered policies to pay special care for their security, reproductive health, and dignity. Keywords: Somali refugees, settlement, adaptation, female refugees, Ethiopia, UK
2000'li yıllara doğru Türkiye'de muhafazakar siyaset "Ak Parti örneği"
Bu çalışma, kuruluşundan kısa bir süre sonra tek başına iktidar olma başarısını gösteren bir siyasal partiyi, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisini konu almaktadır. Ak Parti, sadece Türkiye'de ilk kez muhafazakarlığı bir siyasal ideoloji olarak benimsemiş ve kendisini ?muhafazakar demokrat? olarak tanımlamış bir parti olması bakımından değil, ülkede ciddi bir değişim sürecine imza atmış olması bakımından da önemli bir siyasal aktördür. Bu anlamda, AK Parti'nin örneğinde `Türkiye'de Muhafazakar Siyaseti' anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Ak Parti'nin kimliğinde Türkiye'deki muhafazakarlığın anlaşabilmesi bakımından, öncelikle küreselleşen dünyadaki kimlik tartışmalarına yer verilmiş ve bu tartışmaların Türkiye'ye yansıması ele alınmıştır. Ardından, Türkiye'de siyaseti anlamaya yönelik teorik modellere yer verilmiş ve böylece değişimin sosyo-politik ve tarihsel arkaplanı izah edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu çerçevede Şerif Mardin'in ve Emre Kongar'ın kavramsallaştırdıkları ?merkezçevre? veya ?devletçi-seçkinci?lerle ?gelenekçi-liberaller? arasındaki ayrıma yer verilmiş ve Ak Parti'nin içinden geldiği siyasi geleneğin toplumsal tabanına ışık tutulmuştur. Bu teorik çerçevenin ardından bir siyasal ideoloji ve bir düşünce geleneği olarak muhafazakarlık hakkında bilgi verilmiş ve bu ideolojinin Türkiye'deki tarihsel kökleriyle bugünkü durumu mercek altına alınmıştır. Türkiye'de muhafazakarlığın pratik siyaset içinde ifade ettiği anlamın daha iyi anlaşılması bakımından, söz konusu partinin önemli isimleri veya kanaat önderi konumundaki kişileriyle yapılan mülakatlarla, muhafazakarlıktan neyin anlaşıldığı veya bu ideoloji doğrultusunda Türkiye'nin meselelerine nasıl baktıkları anlaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Özellikle bu partinin, ?Milli Görüş? 154 çizgisinden ayrılarak ortaya çıkardığı özgün kimliğin niteliği üzerine değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. Ardından, bu mülakatlarda ortaya çıkan sonuçlar değerlendirilmiş ve böylece Ak Parti hakkında saha somut bir fotoğraf ortaya çıkarılmak istenmiştir. Çalışmanın sonunda, bu partiyi diğerlerinden ayıran vasıfların altı çizilmeye çalışılmış ve muhafazakarlığa dayalı bir siyasal kimlik olarak ortaya çıkan Ak Parti'nin Türkiye siyasetindeki yerine ve ifa ettiği role ilişkin değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır.
Avrupa'da devrimler çağı ve Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'na etkileri
Avrupa'da yaşanan Sanayi Devrimi ve Fransız Devrimi gibi tarihsel olaylar şüphesiz ki dünya ve insanlık tarihinde oldukça önemli bir yeri kapsamaktadır. Özellikle sınırları ve çağları aşan etkileri ve oluşturdukları gerek fikirsel gerekse de kurumsal yapılar nedeniyle birçok yorumun ve incelemenin konusu olmaktadırlar. Ancak, yine de Çin Başbakanı Çu En Lay'ın, Amerikan Dışişleri Bakanı Kissinger'in Fransız Devrimi hakkında ne düşünüyorsunuz sorusuna 70'li yılların başında ?Henüz yorum yapmak için erken? cevabı ironik olmasının ötesinde anlamlıdır. Günümüzde birçok soruna pratik ve pragmatik çözümler ararken geçmişin dinginliğinden sıyrılarak düşülen hataları ne yazık ki engelleyemiyoruz.Osmanlı İmparatorluğu da tarihsel kaçınılmazlıklar boyutunda söz konusu gelişmelerden fazlasıyla etkilenmişti. Ulusçuluk, sanayileşme, serbest ticaret, parlamento, hürriyet gibi kavramlar İmparatorluk sınırlarından içeri yavaşça girerken iç toplumsal yapı giderek çözülmüş, yönetim katında her geçen gün artarak karşılaşılan sorunlara aranan çözümler de kökten ve kalıcı olamamışlardı. Bu çerçevede Tanzimat Fermanı ve Islahat Fermanı gibi dönüm noktaları dış dinamiklerle iç beklentiler arasında bir denge kurmayı amaçlamış olsa da arzu edilen denge çoğunlukla dış dinamikler lehine olmuş ve İmparatorluk topraklarında milliyetçi başkaldırışlar önlenememiştir. Bunlara ek olarak ekonomik ve siyasal hayatta karşılaşılan bozukluklar sıradan insanların devlete olan güvenini zedelemiş ve bu süreç de etkisini uzun yıllar boyunca gösterecek çarpıklıklara başlangıç olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Avrupa merkezli söz konusu gelişmeler ve sonuçları Osmanlı İmparatorluğu üzerindeki etkileri ve bu etkilerin desteklediği ?Şark Meselesi? çerçevesinde incelenmiş, İmparatorluk'un kendi çıkarlarını korumak için kimi zaman başarılı kimi zaman da başarısız politikaları tahlil edilmiştir.
Yalnız yaşamak: Yollar, deneyimler ve gelecek beklentileri
Tek başına yaşayan bireylerin sayısı dünya genelinde artmaya devam ederken, tek başına yaşamak giderek daha belirgin bir sosyal olgu haline gelmiş, özellikle akademik çevrelerde önemli ilgi görmüş ve çeşitli çalışmalarda araştırma konusu olarak ele alınmıştır. Ancak, mevcut literatür genellikle tek başına yaşamayı bir statü olarak kavramsallaştırmakta ve ağırlıklı olarak savunmasızlıklar ve damgalanmalarla olan ilişkilerine odaklanmaktadır. Bu eğilim, kavramın çok katmanlı ve çok boyutlu doğasını göz ardı etme riski taşımaktadır. Bu boşluğu gidermek için, bu çalışma bireyleri tek başına yaşamaya yönlendiren yolları, tek başına yaşama deneyimlerini ve yaşam düzenlemeleriyle ilgili gelecekteki beklentilerini araştırmaktadır. Amaç, kavramın çok boyutluluğunu ve dinamizmini vurgulamaktır. Bu analiz, çalışmanın verilerinden türetilen kategorileri tanıtarak literatürdeki mevcut tartışmaları tamamlamakta ve değiştirmektedir. Bu çalışmanın verileri, Türkiye ve İsveç'te yaşayan yirmi katılımcı, İsveç'ten yedi katılımcı ve İsveç'te ikamet eden Türkiye'den dokuz katılımcı olmak üzere otuz altı katılımcıyla yapılan derinlemesine görüşmeler yoluyla toplanmıştır. Bu tezin birincil katkısı, bu yollar, deneyimler ve gelecek beklentileri arasındaki çok boyutlu ilişkileri ortaya koymaktır. Ayrıca, çalışma tek başına yaşamanın çeşitli senaryolarını sunarken bu yönleri etkileyen çeşitli faktörleri ve kaynakları vurgular.
Türkiye'de kadınların kurucu temsili: Başörtüsü, kürtaj ve kadına yönelik şiddet üzerine parlamento tartışmaları
This dissertation critically examines the substantive representation of women in Turkey by analyzing the parliamentary discourses of female MPs on headscarves, abortion, and violence against women. It investigates how these issues are framed, how womanhood is defined, and how such concerns are embedded in broader political narratives. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the study explores parliamentary speeches from 2002 to 2023, focusing not only on what is said but how meanings are constructed, contested, and situated within wider debates. The analysis develops along two key dimensions. First, it identifies diverging definitions of womanhood, shaped by ideological, cultural, and party-based positions. Second, it traces how these discourses of womanhood are embedded in broader frameworks—community-based debates (citizenship, belonging, national identity) and practice-based debates (regime, governance, secularism, and democracy). By tracing how these discourses evolve across political parties and over time, the study uncovers the complex dynamics that shape women MPs' narratives. It argues that women's political representation is shaped by, and in turn helps shape, macro-level factors and socio-political contexts. The findings challenge the assumption that women in parliament constitute a homogeneous group and contribute to the literature on both substantive and constitutive representation. Ultimately, the study offers a dual analytical framework that links discursive constructions of womanhood to broader ideological and institutional struggles, arguing that substantive representation is inseparable from its constitutive dimension—particularly in dynamic and complex political environments.
Türkiye'de medyada nükleer enerji santrallerinin çerçevelenmesi ve kamuoyu üzerindeki etkisi: Deneysel bir araştırma
Media framing research has demonstrated significant effects on public opinion formation, yet limited attention examines how frame effectiveness varies across domains and individual characteristics within polarized political environments. Türkiye's polarized media system and ongoing nuclear energy development provide an optimal context for investigating these complex framing dynamics. This study examines how different media framings of nuclear energy policy influence Turkish citizens' attitudes and identifies the individual and contextual factors that moderate these effects. The research employed a 2×2×2 factorial experimental design manipulating frame valence (positive vs. negative), frame domain (national security vs. environmental security), and media source political orientation (pro-government vs. opposition). Participants (N = 778) were randomly assigned to experimental conditions and exposed to three news articles reflecting their assigned treatment combination before completing attitude measures. Results demonstrated framing effects. In the full sample, positive frames showed higher government policy support compared to negative frames. Among attention iv check passers (N = 443), government policy support remained significant and general attitudes reached significance. Domain analysis revealed asymmetry: national security frames produced significant effects across multiple attitude dimensions, while environmental security frames showed minimal impact. Individual differences revealed curvilinear moderation patterns for both media trust and knowledge, with moderate levels creating optimal framing susceptibility. The findings demonstrate that framing effectiveness depends critically on domain content and audience characteristics rather than simple valence manipulation. Results suggest that security-related frames may be more cognitively accessible in Türkiye's geopolitical context, while environmental arguments require more sustained communication efforts. Keywords: media framing, nuclear energy, polarization, public opinion, political communication
Tasarımda bütünleşik, uygulamada ayrışmış: Türkiye'de çocuk işçiliği politikası
Integrated policy strategies appear as an innovative solution for the contemporary policy issues and inherent problems of contemporary public policies. Growing scholarly interest in policy integration reveals the actor-driven and dynamic nature of policy integration. However, this awareness remains limited to the policy formulation stage. Accordingly, a vast amount of research handles policy integration as the end-all to effectively deal with contemporary policy issues at all stages of the policy cycle. Nevertheless, integrated policy strategies are not perfectly immune to the potential challenges of the policy implementation process. The inherent cross-sectoral and multi- actor structure, accompanied by varying levels of policy ambiguity, is common for both multi-sector and sectoral public policies. In this context, bridging the two bodies of literature on policy integration and policy implementation becomes particularly promising to analyze policy integration in practice. Therefore, this thesis aims to advance the state of the art by exploring which combinations of product policy ambiguity and policy conflict produces policy integration at the implementation stage following Matland's (1995) model of implementation. This study relies on a comparative case study based on semi-structured interviews from four cities selected from Türkiye with a particular focus on combating child labor in seasonal agriculture. Based on an analysis of the different combinations of different levels of policy ambiguity and policy conflict, this study proposes four worlds of product integration at the implementation stage: experimental, symbolic, political, and administrative. It shows that policy integration in implementation is a different object than in design, which necessitates an analysis of policy implementation rather than policy design. The thesis explores the four worlds of politics of implementation despite uniform policy design in each. In doing so, this thesis introduces a concept of perception of policy ambiguity considering its subjective and context-based characteristics. It also operationalizes both concepts, namely policy ambiguity and policy conflict, through interview data. Finally, it suggests ambiguity-driven sectoral conflict as a new form of sectoral conflict. Keywords: policy integration, product integration, policy ambiguity, policy conflict, child labor
Dış yardımda kalkınma ve güvenliğin kesişimi: Çin ve Japonya'nın Afrika'daki dış yardım faaliyetleri üzerine bir inceleme (2001–2021)
This thesis examines the post-Cold War merger of development and security in foreign aid by analyzing China's and Japan's aid strategies in Africa between 2001 and 2021. Guided by the research question, "How have development aid and security merged in the post–Cold War period?", the study investigates whether the merger pattern, previously identified in the aid strategies of North American and Western European donors, is also reflected in the cases of China and Japan. Employing a case study approach, the analysis draws on official documents from the Forum on China- Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), using policy discourse and policy design indicators of the merger derived from existing scholarship. The findings reveal a consistent pattern: development and security are merged in both policy discourse and policy design in China's and Japan's foreign aid strategies in Africa after the Cold War.
Kı̇mı̇n entegrasyonu? 2015-2018 yılları arasında Bosna Hersek'tekı̇ emek piyasası reformuna eleştı̇rel bı̇r bakış
This dissertation examines mechanisms of supervised sovereignty in Bosnia and Herzegovina's 2015-2018 labor market reforms, investigating how international actors shape domestic policy outcomes while maintaining the appearance of consensual reform. Drawing on decoloniality theory, the study employs discourse analysis of 84 policy documents, social network analysis of coordination architectures, and interviews with 20 labor market experts to analyze how supervised sovereignty operates through discourse legitimation, coordination architecture, and expert intermediation. The research reveals that international and domestic actors deploy complementary legitimation strategies that make externally-driven reforms appear simultaneously scientifically necessary, politically inevitable, and democratically legitimate. Social network analysis exposes structural design flaws in the Reform Agenda's coordination architecture, including excessive centralization and systematic marginalization of implementation actors and constitutionally mandated governance levels. Expert interviews demonstrate how local professionals become institutionally formed subjects whose identities require compliance with international frameworks, creating cycles where structural alienation generates deeper attachment to exclusionary systems rather than resistance. These findings contribute to understanding contemporary international governance by revealing how post-conflict interventions have evolved beyond overt administration toward sophisticated forms of epistemic control that maintain hierarchical relationships while preserving the appearance of partnership. The research challenges conventional explanations that attribute reform failures to insufficient political will or administrative capacity, demonstrating instead how structural design inadequacies reproduce the problems they claim to address while systematically marginalizing locally grounded alternatives to externally imposed development paradigms.
Türk kollektif hafızasında ideal Türk anlatıları: "Payitaht: Abdülhamid II" ve "Mehmetçik Kût-ül Amâre" dizilerinin bir analizi
This thesis analyzes the construction of the ideal Turk images by the television dramas "Payitaht: Abdülhamid II" and "Mehmetçik Kût-ül Amâre" in relation to the production of collective memory. They are examined within the framework of JDP's nationalism project, in particular the similarities and differences of the JDP's ideal image from the initial concept of ideal citizen constructed during the years of the early Republic. The aim of this thesis is to show what kind of an ideal citizen the JDP government constructs and implies it through re-visiting the existing elements of the ideal citizen which exists in Turkish collective memory in relation to their nationalism project. The characteristics of the represented ideal image is analyzed based on the four most repeated notions in both series. The ideal Turk's understanding of what their national duties are, their relationship withIslam, the West and the internal others have been determined as categories of analysis.After that, the changes and continuities between this narration and the official narration that is constructed during the first years of the new Republic is acknowledged with relation to the present government's doctrine.
Türkiye'deki yerel halkın Suriyeli mültecilere dair bakış açıları: Gün grupları örneği
This study mainly investigates the perceptions on Syrian refugees in Turkey, as one of the host countries. It does so by focusing on the case of the perceptions of the local population in Mersin, a city which received a substantial number of Syrian refugees in Turkey. The research is based on the analysis of data from five "gün" groups in Mersin, which consist of occasions of females of different age and socio-economic backgrounds on a fairly regular basis. In the context of this study, the discourses of the 'gün' participants will be analyzed, and the common patterns revealed in the 'gün' groups' discourses as prejudiced perceptions, stereotypes and hearsays, scapegoating, 'us' vs. 'them' and discriminative discourses will be emphasized. The study concludes that the discourses of the 'gün' members reveal marginalization and discursive exclusion of the Syrian refugees. It underlines the function of the 'gün' occasions as "building blocks of society" in identity (re)formation of the Syrian refugees in everyday life. The study also draws the conclusion that marginalization and exclusion are stemming from lack of interaction, cultural differences, language obstacle and lack of trust towards the Syrian refugees.
Alafranga züppe: Geç 19. yüzyıl Osmanlı romanlarında modern bireycilik
The thesis studies the Hamidian regime (1876-1909) of the Ottoman Empire with regard to the relations between Ottoman modernization, Westernization and the proto-individualism that was then taking roots without the concomitant development of capitalism and in the absence of bourgeoisie. To investigate these relations, the thesis concentrates upon the alla franca dandy literary figure; a francophile who adores European culture and feels aversion towards the Ottoman/Islamic culture. The alla franca dandy owes his existence to Ahmet Mithat's Felatun Bey and Rakım Efendi (1876) published as a critique of "false Westernization" and an attempt at circumscribing the limits of proper modernization, balancing the Ottoman/Islamic culture and Western material progress. He was thus born out of the Ottoman intellectuals' ideas of and anxiety over Westernization, who sought to modernize the society without subverting the traditional foundations. As the Ottoman/Islamic and Western cultures collided, the alla franca dandy became the embodiment of "false Westernization" and served the intellectuals' objective to educate the masses by setting a bad example. However, though the alla franca dandy was born to circumscribe the proper limits of modernization, he ironically evolved, through the novels of authors like Ekrem and Gürpınar), to express individualistic attitudes and put forth a modernist critique of the Ottoman/Islamic tradition as the intellectuals' epistemological assumptions eroded and the society's present is questioned and problematized as in need of intervention. Through an analysis of the alla franca dandy's development, the thesis tries to bring forth Ottoman modernity's unique nature and individualism's role in it.
Avrupa Birliği'nde küçük devletler: Avrupa Parlamentosu ve Avrupa Birliği Konseyi'nde siyasi temsiliyet
The 2004 Enlargement of the European Union marked an important development within the institutional history of the European Union with the participation of eight Central and Eastern European and two island states. The active representation of small member states became more important than ever in the European Union policy-making. Although the literature on the representation of small states in the European Union provides an enriching contribution, existing studies are limited by their focus on providing theoretical overviews which lack empirical case study analyses. This study tackles the issue of political representation of small member states in the European Union and empirically examines the role of four small member states in European Union policy-making. By developing a set of arguments on the domestic and supranational factors impacting the role of small state representatives, this research qualitatively examines the representation of Cyprus, Estonia, Luxembourg, and Malta in the European Union institutions. In this research, it is argued that domestic and supranational structural factors impact representation of small states in the European Parliament and Council of the European Union. Compared to large member states, representing high percentage of country's population, limited administrative resources and structures of party politics influence legislative behaviour of small state representatives. This leads representatives to establish a closer relationship with their constituencies in the European Parliament. Considering the Qualified Majority Voting method, representatives employ strategies which are particular to small states in order to influence voting processes in the Council of the European Union.
Göçün güvenlikleştirilmesi: İran İslam Cumhuriyeti'ndeki Afgan mülteciler örneği
Based on security studies literature, this dissertation examines securitization of migration and Afghan refugees in the Islamic Republic of Iran between 1979 and the present day. The main argument of the dissertation is that a pattern is discernible between Iran's direct involvement in armed conflicts and presenting migration as a security issue. Dividing the time framework into three periods, 1979-1989, 1989- 2012 and 2012 to present day, the dissertation shows that when Iran gets involved in an armed conflict, -as in the first and third periods- it welcomes the Afghan refugees and pursues integrationist policies, and when Iran enters a period of peace, it resorts to restrictive policies against the refugees. Both international and domestic factors, which lead to this special relationship between the independent variable -involvement in armed conflict- and the dependent variable -securitization of migration- are discussed in historical and sociological detail.
Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde Türkiye'de resmi söylemde göçün güvenlikleştirilmesi
Since the end of the Cold War, Turkey has become a destination country for the human mobility of people who are not of 'Turkish descent and culture'. For the first time in the history of the Republic, Turkey has become a destination and not only a transit country. The thesis is interested in the changing official responses of the Republic to this transition. The question asked is whether and/or in what ways major human mobility cases to Turkey in the post-Cold War Era were securitized in the official discourse of the Republic. The cases that are focused on are the mobility of the 1989 Ethnic Turks of Bulgaria, and the Northern Iraqis in 1991, mobility from the post-Soviet countries and from the Central African countries since the early 1990s, and post-2011 Syrian human mobility. While examining this question, the thesis adopts the perspective of securitization theory and looks to see whether these human mobilities were portrayed as a threat to Turkey's national security or not.
"İçerideki dışarıdakiler:" İsrail ve Türkiye'de Filistin ve Kürt kökenli vatandaşlara yönelik devlet politikalarının bir karşılaştırması
Israel and Turkey have been regarded as ethnically divided societies where ethnicity represented a fundamental political cleavage between a national majority and ethnic minority. The formation of Israeli and Turkish nation-states simultaneously led to the "minoritization" of those Palestinians and Kurds who constituted the biggest ethnic and linguistic minority by a wide margin in their respective countries. While Israel never considered assimilating its Palestinian citizens into mainstream Israeli national identity, considering Jewishness as its essential and indispensable element, Turkey engaged in assimilation policies vis-à-vis its Kurdish citizens, which met with limited success. Although the two countries applied different methods of ethnic diversity management, they have converged in maintaining exclusive state identities, Jewish and Turkish, and excluded their Palestinian and Kurdish minorities from political and economic power. Especially in recent decades, both states have been challenged by their Palestinian and Kurdish minorities seeking equal treatment with the Jewish and Turkish majority. Minority demands share common elements: the recognition of their status as a national minority entitled to collective rights and effective inclusion into the political system. However, awarding full citizenship rights has been questioned on accounts of Jewish sovereignty dilution fears in Israel and Kurdish self-determination and partition in Turkey. Failing to distinguish their citizens from their trans-border ethnic kin groups and viewing them as part of trans-national community threatening Israeli and Turkish sovereignty, Israel's citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey's citizens of Kurdish descent have been turned into "inside outsiders."
Liderlerin dış siyasi şoklara tepkisi: Necmettin Erbakan & Recep Tayyip Erdoğan'ın liderlik özellikleri ve tarzlarının analizi
Turkey has witnessed a leader-oriented history of politics. Considering the role of leadership characteristics as an explanatory variable, this thesis follows the leadership studies suggesting that personal traits and leadership styles play significant roles in shaping a leader's policy-making process. Presupposing that the leader matters to adequately comprehend Turkish politics, this thesis focuses on the leadership traits and styles of two significant figures: Necmettin Erbakan (the founding member and leader of several prominent Islamic political parties in Turkey from the 1960s to the 2010s, namely the National Order Party (MNP), the National Salvation Party (MSP), the Welfare Party (RP), mentor of the Virtue and Felicity Parties); and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (chairman of the Justice and Development Party, Prime Minister between 2003 and 2014, and President since August 2014). In analyzing the role of the leadership traits and styles of Erbakan and Erdoğan in their decision-making process, the overarching methodological approach combines the Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA) with an at-a-distance assessment technique and the case study. Using LTA, this thesis discusses whether and in what ways Erbakan's and Erdoğan's traits and leadership styles changed in response to the military threats both leaders faced and their parties' closure cases. Considering valuable and meaningful results delivered by LTA, this thesis empirically expands the literature on Turkish political leaders and contributes theoretically to leadership studies on the role of exogenous shocks in studying politics.
Türkiye'de merkez sağın tipolojisi
This dissertation analyzes the center-right in Turkey regarding its domestic politics and discourse through three main parameters which are democracy, state and secularism. A set of theoretical explanations helps to delve into the issue more deeply.
Siyasi partiler neden bölünür? Türkiye'de parti bölünmelerini ve bölünerek oluşan partileri anlamak
The process of splinter party formation has been understudied. This is related with the difficulties in studying the intraparty realm of politics and the inability of the splinter parties to turn into successful competitors. Employing an actor-oriented approach, this study traces the reasons behind splits in mainstream parties and formation of splinter parties. It intends to develop a theoretical model for explaining party splits in Turkey. It is asserted that party split is one of the possible outcomes of the competition between the dissenting faction and the dominant faction supporting the party leader. This outcome is preceded by two stages: dissent, and intraparty conflict. Strategies developed by dissenting faction and the party leader's response are conditioned by a number of endogenous and exogenous factors. Endogenous factors include the nature of disagreement, relative power of competing factions across the different layers of party organization and leadership autonomy. Exogenous factors include the costs of forming a new party and the perceived viability for a new party. Splinter party is formed in case the dissident faction that departs from the parent organization chooses to invest on a new party rather than switching to an established party. The model proposed in this dissertation is illustrated by a comparative analysis of five cases of party splits in Turkish party system since the transition to democracy in 1946. The political parties that are analyzed within the scope of this study include the Democrat Party, the Republican People's Party, the Justice Party, the True Path Party and the Democratic Left Party. The analysis reveals that endogenous factors are more influential over party splits compared to the exogenous factors. Moreover, in case the dissidents are unlikely to voice within the party platforms, they might simply resign without voice.
Türkiye ve Yunanistan'da yazılı basın ve sivil-asker ilişkileri
This study investigates how Greek and Turkish newspapers columnists interpreted and framed military takeovers in their countries after the takeovers had happened. Refuting arguments in the literature asserting that Greek columnists kept their silence during the military regime due to censorship, while there was strong and open support in Turkey among newspaper columnists for the 12 September coup and the subsequent rule, this study argues that the situations in both countries were much more complex than these studies have claimed. Directed by this approach, it focuses on the pieces published in the Greek newspapers Akropolis, Eleftheros Kosmos, and Ta Nea during the first six months of the military interregnum (after the 21 April 1967 takeover), and the ones published in the Turkish newspapers Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, and Milliyet (after the 12 September 1980 takeover). It shows that important similarities existed between Greek and Turkish officers' approach to the media in their countries during their respective periods of rule. In addition, Greek and Turkish columnists shared both similarities and differences in their framings and interpretations of the military's takeover in their countries and the subsequent interregna. This study argues that these similarities and differences can be better understood by examining the development of journalistic profession in Greece and Turkey, as well as by analyzing the development of civil-military relations and the role and position of the military in politics in both countries since their establishments as nation-states.
Kral'ın Avrupalı Fas'ı: Fas Krallığı'nın Avrupa Topluluğu'na üyelik başvurusuna postkolonyal bir yaklaşım
This study aims to analyze the membership application of the Kingdom of Morocco to the European Community in 1987 through postcolonial nationalism, which refers to the fact that the impacts of colonizer states continue on the national identity of the colonized states after colonialism. It analyzes the membership application of the Kingdom of Morocco to the European Community in terms of how Morocco felt European so that it claimed its Europeanness according to the article 237 of the Treaty of Rome that required the aplicant states to be European, as the main article of the Treaty that founded the European Community. Taking the Bhabhaian approach to hybridity as one of the main tenets of postcolonial nationalism, this dissertation argues that the Kingdom of Morocco's relations with the European Community in 1987 should go beyond why it applied to be one of its members that was already explained by different economic and political reasons. Instead, it offers a cultural aspect defined by postcoloniality that analyzes how Kingdom of Morocco asserted its Europeanness, and how it explained to the European Commission that it was a European state according to the Treaty of Rome. Framing Morocco's colonial status between 1912 and 1956, this dissertation examines how Morocco that constructed its national identity both during and after colonialism against Europe (against France) due to European colonialism (the French Protectorate) added Europeanness into this national identity in its postolonial period, by claiming that Moroccan nation and state together are European, with King Hassan II's membership application to the European Community. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that Morocco's 1987 membership application to the European Community is the instrumentalization of hybridity that was created by the French among Moroccan locals between 1912 and 1956 by King Hassan II, in the postcolonial Moroccan national identity to claim that Morocco was European according to the article 237 of the Treaty of Rome.
Kadın köşe yazarlarının kamusal alandaki "ara" konumlarını keşfetmek: Günümüz Türkiye'sinde feminist kimlik üzerine anlatılara bir bakış
This dissertation investigates women columnists' narratives on feminist self-identification with the aim to disclose the narrative lines along which feminist identity is negotiated in 2000's Turkey. In the contemporary social and political milieu in which neoliberal, neo-conservative discourses undermine feminist demands and the poststructuralist critique makes it difficult to articulate stable identity claims, the issue of feminist self-identification comes to the forefront as a critical theme underlying the discussions on the future of feminism. These global debates also resonate at the local level with a unique tune that derives its peculiarity from the social and political context in question. Keeping this in mind, I trace the repercussions of the debates outlined above in the Turkish social and political context. It has been widely argued that the current Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule in Turkey is heavily characterized by a neoliberal, neoconservative and antifeminist political stance. Given the antifeminist ethos of the current political landscape, public negotiations of feminist self identification in contemporary Turkey display multiple layers of complexity that are difficult to disentangle. This complexity begs the question of how feminist identity is negotiated and narrated in a discursive field in which antifeminist discourses are constantly reproduced through certain discursive opportunity structures. Against this background, this dissertation particularly focuses on the narratives of women columnists who are well-known public intellectual figures in contemporary Turkey. The study of media is especially important for a study that intends to examine the positionality of narratives on feminism in public deliberation. It is worthwhile to investigate the alternative media domains in the high circulation mass media and map out the zones of potential that can contribute to the counter hegemonic attempts challenging the contemporary conservative gender regime in Turkey. The study of women columnists' narratives on feminism and feminist identity may provide us a fertile ground to delve into the discursive openings in the mainstream media through which profeminist discourses can acquire a considerable standing in public deliberation. It can provide us critical tools to nuance our reading of public sphere by disclosing the functioning mechanisms of publics that constantly shift between hegemonic and subaltern publics, which we could name as "publics in-between". Following the research goals described above, this study intends to delve into the prominent features of the positionality of women columnists in contemporary Turkey vis-a-vis the political struggles over the gender regime and shed light on the intricacies, the promising aspects and the limitations in women columnists' narratives on feminism and feminist identity. As a result, it aims to disclose how women columnists situate themselves vis-a-vis feminist subaltern publics in contemporary Turkey. Keywords: Public Sphere, Women Columnists, Feminist Identification, Narratives
Hollanda ve İngiltere siyasal sistemlerinde göçmenlerin temsili
This research aimed to analyze how often, in what ways and under which conditions MPs of migrant origin addressed the cultural and religious rights and freedoms of ethnic and religious groups. A content analysis was conducted on parliamentary questions to achieve this aim. The cases of the Netherlands and the UK are analyzed within a time period between 2002 and 2012. The research follows the 'political opportunity structures' approach in analyzing available opportunities and constraints of political and institutional environments in the above-mentioned two cases. Taking recent trends in the neo-institutionalist understanding into consideration, the study also incorporates the idea of 'discursive opportunities' into the general frame of political opportunity structures. The holistic approach incorporates political parties as a dimension of institutional approaches and makes space for individual and group related factors such as gender identity and ethnic backgrounds of minority representatives. The content analysis combines qualitative and quantitative techniques to provide an in-depth understanding of the subject area on the one hand, and formulate generalizable patterns on the other. Comparing the British and the Dutch cases reveals to what extent, if any, the opportunity structures differ across Britain and the Netherlands; the latter showing a clear shift towards a more integrative approach, whereas Britain would still seem to be attached to multiculturalism even debating it loudly in recent years. Findings of the qualitative content analysis reveal suppressive framings as well as messages supporting cultural and religious rights. The quantitative content analysis challenges the profound role attributed to the citizenship regime and media discourse. Political party membership appears to be the most significant factor in explaining a variance in framing cultural and religious rights and freedoms in the parliament. The roles of ethnic background and gender identity are also significant. However, their impacts differ across the two cases. Keywords: Political representation, immigrant minorities, content analysis, The Netherlands, The UK
Fikir müteşebbisleri olarak Türkiye'de köşe yazarları, 1983-2007: Devlet tanımlamaları
The omnipotence of the state has been a dominant theme of discussions in Turkey for a long time. Though they have been a major party to these discussions due the fact that it was newspapers and periodicals that filled the large crevice left by the late development and dissemination of scholarly books in Turkey, columnists have been sorely understudied. In an attempt to help fill this void, this study discusses ten eminent Turkish columnists' conceptions of the state over a time period stretching from 1983 to 2007. Assuming columnists as 'idea entrepreneurs', who, create a sphere of influence with their ideas, and use this sphere to further create new ideas or transform existing ones thanks to networks provided by this sphere, this dissertation brings together three seemingly separate literatures on media, state and entrepreneurship. Data acquired from analysis of considerable number of columns and semi-structured elite interviews has been processed by using qualitative content analysis and archival document analysis. The data has been coded in reference to five themes: national security and survival of the state, order and stability, economy, the shrinking state, and the rule of law. This study contributes to the literature by bringing to the fore the following results: notwithstanding intensified emphasis on liberalizing state-society relations in that time period, it first shows that the state-centered ideas set the language of politics; the press deems itself as part of this state-centered language; considerable amount of columns still teetered between transcendentalism and instrumentalism in terms of their state perceptions. Keywords: Idea Entrepreneurs, Political Communication, State, Columnists, Turkish Politics
Kalkınmakta olan dünyada refah devletinin oluşumu
Are there welfare states in the developing world? According to conventional wisdom there cannot be. The 'orthodox model' of welfare state emergence assumes that only industrialised countries can become welfare states. Yet, there is a growing literature on welfare states in developing countries. In this dissertation, I address this puzzle through two research questions: are there welfare states in the developing world? And if there are, how can we explain the emergence of these deviant cases? I explore these questions through a sequential mixed-method research design. First, I conduct a large-n fuzzy set analysis to identify welfare states in the developing world. Second, I undertake a small-n comparative-historical analysis to explain how three developing countries - Brazil, Costa Rica and South Africa – became welfare states. I find two pathways to welfare stateness in lower income contexts: (1) a social democratic pathway in which centre-left parties build the welfare state in the context of democracy (2) a Bismarckian pathway, in which state elites build the welfare state in a non-democratic context. The first pathway resembles power resources theory, but labour's role is different. The second pathway partially supports state-centred research. However, contradicting theoretical expectations, I find that state capacity is not a precondition for the welfare state. Finally, even in these deviant cases, welfare state building is connected to industrialization. By the time they became welfare states, the three cases were no longer low income countries. Therefore, I conclude that a moderate degree of development is necessary for welfare state emergence. Keywords: Comparative-Historical Analysis, Development, Fuzzy Set Analysis,Social Policy, Welfare State
Hannah Arendt'in siyasal düşüncesinde eylem ve iktidar arasındaki karşılıklı bağımlılık ilişkisi
This thesis analyzes the interdependent relation between action and power in Hannah Arendt's political thought. In this study, it is argued that reading Arendt's political theory by considering action as the only defining aspect of her understanding of politics is misleading. Power constitutes the public realm, and brings remedies to the unpredictability and individualism of action through mutual promising and recognition. In this respect, power relations provide recognition, evaluation and meaning for action in the public realm. Outside the context of power, action loses its revelatory function in disclosing the identity of an individual and retreats from the public realm. Keywords: Hannah Arendt, action, power, promising, recognition, judgment. in
Nietzsche'de kötü ve bunun George W.Bush ve Osama bin Laden'in 11 Eylül'den sonraki demeçlerindeki yansımaları
ABSTRACT EVIL IN NIETZSCHE AND ITS REFLECTIONS IN THE SPEECHES OF GEORGE W. BUSH AND OSAMA bin LADEN AFTER SEPTEMBER 1 1 Zeynep İnanç M.A., Department of Political Science Supervisor: Associate Prof. Dr. Banu Helvacioglu June 2004 In this thesis I use Nietzsche's conception of evil and power in problematizing George W. Bush and Osama bin Laden' s statements after the September 1 1 event. My main argument is based on Nietzsche's conceptualization of the creation of the idea of the real world. This idea of the real world is founded upon morality. I focus on a specific dimension of the conceptualization of evil which requires an incessant struggle between good and evil. Bush and Laden construct their moral wars against one another with a belief that one of them will eventually win. Following Nietzsche's framework, this thesis argues that this moral war is never going to end because this war is not meant to end, as the continuity of the war ensures the continuity of the power holders' power. Keywords: Power, Evil, Mechanisms of Submission, Corruption of Man's Reason, Fear, Real World. Ill
Avrupa Birliği giriş sürecinin Türk kolluk sistemi üzerindeki etkileri
ABSTRACT THE EFFECTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ACCESSION PROCESS ON THE TURKISH LAW ENFORCEMENT SYSTEM Erol, Subhi Sinan M.A., Department of Political Science Supervisor: Prof.Dr. Ergun Özbudun July 2004 The EU accession process and the ultimate EU membership have always served as an appropriate anchor and incentive for Turkey to undertake the necessary reforms. Turkey has tried to incorporate into West by using European laws and institutions for 200 years; however, Turkey has always carried out them in her own understanding. To put it clearly, by the EU accession process, Turkey faces the fact that she has to play the game by obeying original of rules in order to become a member of the EU. Seeing that, this study aims to explain Turkey's amendments made to play the game originally, especially in the field of Justice and Home affairs. In conclusion, the scope of this analysis is to explain the transformation process of the law enforcement forces who have always been one of the most problematic parts of the Turkey's integration to West. Key Words: European Union, Turkey, Human Rights, Law Enforcement System, Gendarmerie, Police in
Akademik, tarihsel ve hukuksal gelişmelerin ışığında terörizm tanımlarının irdelenmesi
ABSTRACTCONCEPTUALIZING THE DEFINITION OF TERRORISM IN LIGHT OF THEDEVELOPMENTS IN THE FIELDS OF ACADEMICS, HISTORY ANDLEGISLATIONSözübir, UfukM.A., Department of Political ScienceSupervisor: Prof. Ergun ÖZBUDUNSeptember, 2005The basic question to be answered in this thesis is: Is there a way to reach a consensusabout a generally accepted definition of terrorism by using the perspectives of historyand legitimacy in the World Community? The solution to the problem about thedefinition of terrorism is an important question because of the sensitivities displayed bythe nations of different regions and their different perceptions of terror. The questionsabout the nature of the terrorists, their motivation, their aims and the methods they use toachieve these aims are still being debated world-wide. On the other hand, terrorists alsohave the ability and possibility to reach the same sources regarding history andlegitimacy; therefore it may be thought that, they have a variety of options aboutlearning how to become more deadly without taking all the population of the targetcommunity to the opposite side.iiiivTo fight terrorism effectively, what is needed first is to know who the enemy is. In thisthesis, the answer to this question is carefully analyzed and a solution is offered. Briefinformation about the background of terror events in history and jurisprudenceconcerning national and international community is added to help understand thesubject. Instead of putting up a certain and complete definition that may lead to manymisunderstandings and a danger of constriction of the concept, the preconditions tomake an efficient definition of terror is explained. This is important because there arecertain difficulties in discriminating terrorists from other types of criminals, especiallyguerilla fighters and organized criminals. In this thesis, the purpose of the guerillaactivities and their methods, also the differences and common points of these two areanalyzed and explained. As an accessory, the statistics of terror events between 1973-2003 are included in the thesis.Key Words: Terrorism, Terrorists, Guerilla Warfare, Terror History, Legitimacy andTerror, Organized Crime, State Terrorism.ivv
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ABSTRACTPREVENTION OF IRREGULAR MIGRATIONEmir ŞAŞIRPeople have been moving throughout history. These movements may be eitherobligatory due to natural disasters, wars and famines or voluntary such as the movements tofind more fertile lands or new jobs. The movements of people have been limited by theimmigration policies of receiving countries.Although developed countries are willing to accept migrant workers in economicboom years, they do their best to limit their entrance in stagnation periods. As a last resort,people use the deficiencies in legal and physical measures to enter the destination countriesillegally. These people are mostly employed in the jobs shunned by the natives and thereforethey are still welcomed implicitly.Receiving states try to prevent illegal immigration waves as they are seen as a threat tothe sovereignty, and more recently, the security of the states. This thesis analyzes themeasures to be taken in prevention of illegal migration and tries to bring new solutions to theproblem.Key words: Migration, Irregular Migration, Illegal Migration, Undocumented Migration,Human Smuggling, Human Trafficking, Turkey, Measures, Prevention, Theories of Migration
Mahallede toplumsal mekansallaşmanın kritik anları: Geleneksel gecekondu tarihinin alternatif okuması
ABSTRACT CRITICAL MOMENTS OF SOCIAL SPATIALIZATION IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD: AN ALTERNATIVE READING OF THE MAINSTREAM GECEKONDU HISTORY Demirtaş, Neslihan P.D., Department of Political Science Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Banu Helvacıoğlu June 2007 This thesis aims to expose an alternative local historical reading of the formation of a gecekondu space as a response to modernist consideration of gecekondu development in Turkey. The social construction of neighborhood space, which occurs at the level of social imaginary and representations as well as at the level of real interventions in the form of social practices producing a built environment, is narrated by means of insider perspectives and using qualitative techniques. In this reading, it will be made explicit that the dynamics and patterns by which the modernist, strategic interventions in local space and tactical acts of the migrants in producing their locality are closely interconnected. This interconnectedness not only sheds light to the weaknesses of the strategical practice of imposing a modernist space but also the tactical acts of migrants utilizing the loopholes in the strategical realm. Spontaneity as the defining and intrinsic quality of gecekondu settlements is mainly embedded in the diverse local agencies that lead to spatial contingencies. The ethnic identities constitute the main means by which the migrants employ certain tactics with regard to strategical policy acts and to other groups in the neighborhood. Within the context of the intertwined nature of tacticiv and strategy, gecekondu settlements will be discussed as a byÂproduct of the sum of modernist strategical acts more than as unintended consequences of urban development. Keywords: Gecekondu, Social Spatialization, TacticÂStrategy, Ethnic Identities, Spontaneity, Spatial Contingency.vÂ
Türkiye'deki sivil toplumun demokratik pekişmeye etkisi üzerine bir inceleme
ABSTRACTAN ANALYSIS ON THECONTRIBUTION OF CIVIL SOCIETY TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATIONIN TURKEYTorus, EmreDepartment of Political Science and Public AdministrationSupervisor: Prof. Dr. Ergun ÖzbudunMay 2007This is an analysis on the contribution of civil society to democraticconsolidation in Turkey. This thesis will try to understand this problematic byassessing the civil society?s formal structure, legal framework, internal values and itsimpact during the consolidation process. The key aim here is to understand the civilsociety?s role as a contributor to democratic consolidation by mapping the civil societyand democratic consolidation relationship in Turkey. While doing so, this study willbase itself on a combination of theories that link the civil society to democraticconsolidation with an empirical tool for the assessment of this linkage.Keywords: Civil society, democratic consolidation, Turkey.
Mekanın üretimi ve kentliliğin inşası: 1930?lar Ankarası?nda enformal pratikler
This study, employing the city space of Ankara as its case, aims at understanding the production of space and the construction of urbanity through a reconsideration of the Turkish modernization project. The study focuses on 1930s, the early Republican period, which were the years in which a nation-building process was accompanying the making of urban-citizens. During these years, in order to modernize the country the modernizing elite aimed at a civilizational shift, which brought with it the transformation of both the private and the public spheres. In this process, spatial practices -in both macro and micro level- were used as a tool to create desired urbane-citizens. Moving from here, the thesis discusses the construction of urbanity and its functions with reference to formal and informal spatial practices, both of which generated the modern space of Ankara. Through the analysis of this process of construction, the study also elaborates on the Turkish modernization project with reference to both informal and formal practices, in order to illuminate the struggles and tensions within it. Both the spatial practices and the modernization project are reconsidered through Henri Lefebvre?s conceptualizations of social space.
Hollandalı, yarı-Hollandalı ve Hollandalı olmayan: Hollanda'da çokkültürcülük ve müslüman azınlıklara yönelik politikalar
The history of Muslim existence in Europe has also been a history of crises. The crisis is partially of the liberal democracy. Indeed, in Europe, the limits of toleration, the limits of freedom of speech, and the limits of religious freedom are being discussed especially regarding the new Muslim presence. Moreover, after the Madrid bombings on 11 March 2004, the murder of Theo van Gogh in Amsterdam on 2 November 2004, and the London bombings on 7 July 2005, many analysts, observers, intellectuals and opinion formers not only concluded that multiculturalism had failed but also accused it of being responsible for the bombings and the murder. Even those who do not directly blame multiculturalism tend to believe that multiculturalism needs to be reconsidered, and may be replaced by ?integration,? which is very frequently used interchangeably with ?assimilation.?The Dutch case is one of the best cases to study the above discourses. Although the Netherlands is still a liberal frontrunner when it comes to issues like homosexuality, soft-drugs, prostitution and euthanasia, it is also considered as one of the sharpest u-turns from hospitable and tolerant policies towards immigrants. With this u-turn, not only the entrance of new immigrants and refugees from non-Western countries is complicated, but also the focus turned towards the integration of the second and third generation immigrants, especially the Muslims. Not surprisingly, some positive and negative examples of integration have come into prominence, and some good and bad Muslim subjectivities have been formed.After analyzing primary and secondary sources on Muslim integration and 44 in-depth interviews conducted in the Netherlands in 2008, this dissertation has four major conclusions. First of all, the history of a negative portrayal of Muslims in the Netherlands is much older than the post-September 11th discourse of the ?war on terror.? Secondly, while the religious people in general are found ?irritating? as soon as they carry their religious reasoning into the public sphere, Muslim people, for their new demands, increasing populations and public appearances in the big cities, are found more irritating than the conservative Christians. Thirdly, the retreat from multicultural policies has simultaneously taken place with the increasing Muslim determination to make use of community level rights and the growing visibility of Muslims in the public spheres of major Dutch cities. And finally, the debates about everyday-life practices aimed at either forming some acceptable models of Muslim subjectivity that coexist with Western liberal democracy or denigrating some other models that are perceived (or presented) as threats to liberal democracy.