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Cinsiyet karşıtı söylemin analizi: Türkiye ve Macaristan'da kutuplaştırma aracı olarak kullanımı
While polarization literature identifies cultural cleavages and grievances as creating political divisions, it has not systematically examined how anti-gender discourse functions as a tool of polarization. Drawing on Somer and McCoy's (2019) framework of pernicious polarization, I examine how elites deploy anti-gender rhetoric as a mechanism to deepen societal divisions. Combining polarization with theories of securitization and stigmatization, I analyze the diversity of tools adopted by political elite. The research comparatively analyzes Turkey and Hungary in order to explore similarities and differences. This thesis attempts to fill the gap in the literature by bringing a gender perspective to polarization literature by deciphering the rhetoric of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Süleyman Soylu, and Viktor Orbán, three political figures who frame reproductive and sexual rights and gender identity as existential threats to national identity and family values. Drawing on theories of gender, polarization, securitization, and stigmatization, the study investigates how these leaders' discursive strategies legitimize exclusionary policies. I combine systematic content analyses of speeches through MAXQDA coding with Foucauldian discourse analysis. This dual approach made it possible to identify recurring themes, framing patterns, and the emotional tone embedded within anti- gender rhetoric. Two different types of graphs are included for all three leaders in this thesis: word trends and code trends. Findings reveal that Erdoğan, Soylu, and Orbán share a common ideological framework, however, they operationalize anti gender discourse differently. By integrating empirical evidence with theoretical insights, this thesis contributes to understanding the role of gendered narratives in sustaining electoral power and deepening societal divides. Keywords: Anti-gender, Discourse, Stigmatization, Securitization, Polarization
Zafer Partisi: Türk siyasetinde radikal sağ'ın ilk örneği
This dissertation examines the Victory Party (Zafer Partisi, ZP) as the first identifiable case of radical right politics in Turkey, with a focus on its anti-immigrant rhetoric and broader political agenda. Drawing on party documents, social media discourse, and semi-structured interviews with party members, the dissertation applies a theoretical framework grounded in the literature on radical right parties – emphasizing ideological pillars such as ethnic nationalism, exclusionary and inclusionary populism, nativism, xenophobia, racism, and authoritarianism. While these host ideologies have primarily been explored in Western European contexts, this research contributes a non-Western case, highlighting both continuities and departures in how radical right strategies are articulated within the Turkish political landscape. The findings reveal that although ZP mirrors many ideological and strategic patterns seen in European radical right parties, it also displays localized adaptations shaped by Turkey's unique sociopolitical environment. Its construction of migration as an existential threat legitimizes exclusionary measures and intensifies securitized, nationalist discourse. Simultaneously, the party positions itself as a legalistic and populist force against a corrupt elite, capitalizing on democratic disillusionment. The study concludes that ZP's rise reflects broader trends in global radical right mobilization while offering a distinct configuration of Turkish nationalism. By analyzing a case outside the traditional European focus, this dissertation facilitates the comparative study of the radical right and contributes to understanding the interplay between nationalism and immigration politics in contemporary Turkey. Keywords: Anti-Immigrant Sentiments, Nationalism, Radical Right Parties, Victory Party
Yalnız yaşamak: Yollar, deneyimler ve gelecek beklentileri
Tek başına yaşayan bireylerin sayısı dünya genelinde artmaya devam ederken, tek başına yaşamak giderek daha belirgin bir sosyal olgu haline gelmiş, özellikle akademik çevrelerde önemli ilgi görmüş ve çeşitli çalışmalarda araştırma konusu olarak ele alınmıştır. Ancak, mevcut literatür genellikle tek başına yaşamayı bir statü olarak kavramsallaştırmakta ve ağırlıklı olarak savunmasızlıklar ve damgalanmalarla olan ilişkilerine odaklanmaktadır. Bu eğilim, kavramın çok katmanlı ve çok boyutlu doğasını göz ardı etme riski taşımaktadır. Bu boşluğu gidermek için, bu çalışma bireyleri tek başına yaşamaya yönlendiren yolları, tek başına yaşama deneyimlerini ve yaşam düzenlemeleriyle ilgili gelecekteki beklentilerini araştırmaktadır. Amaç, kavramın çok boyutluluğunu ve dinamizmini vurgulamaktır. Bu analiz, çalışmanın verilerinden türetilen kategorileri tanıtarak literatürdeki mevcut tartışmaları tamamlamakta ve değiştirmektedir. Bu çalışmanın verileri, Türkiye ve İsveç'te yaşayan yirmi katılımcı, İsveç'ten yedi katılımcı ve İsveç'te ikamet eden Türkiye'den dokuz katılımcı olmak üzere otuz altı katılımcıyla yapılan derinlemesine görüşmeler yoluyla toplanmıştır. Bu tezin birincil katkısı, bu yollar, deneyimler ve gelecek beklentileri arasındaki çok boyutlu ilişkileri ortaya koymaktır. Ayrıca, çalışma tek başına yaşamanın çeşitli senaryolarını sunarken bu yönleri etkileyen çeşitli faktörleri ve kaynakları vurgular.
Türkiye'de kadınların kurucu temsili: Başörtüsü, kürtaj ve kadına yönelik şiddet üzerine parlamento tartışmaları
This dissertation critically examines the substantive representation of women in Turkey by analyzing the parliamentary discourses of female MPs on headscarves, abortion, and violence against women. It investigates how these issues are framed, how womanhood is defined, and how such concerns are embedded in broader political narratives. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the study explores parliamentary speeches from 2002 to 2023, focusing not only on what is said but how meanings are constructed, contested, and situated within wider debates. The analysis develops along two key dimensions. First, it identifies diverging definitions of womanhood, shaped by ideological, cultural, and party-based positions. Second, it traces how these discourses of womanhood are embedded in broader frameworks—community-based debates (citizenship, belonging, national identity) and practice-based debates (regime, governance, secularism, and democracy). By tracing how these discourses evolve across political parties and over time, the study uncovers the complex dynamics that shape women MPs' narratives. It argues that women's political representation is shaped by, and in turn helps shape, macro-level factors and socio-political contexts. The findings challenge the assumption that women in parliament constitute a homogeneous group and contribute to the literature on both substantive and constitutive representation. Ultimately, the study offers a dual analytical framework that links discursive constructions of womanhood to broader ideological and institutional struggles, arguing that substantive representation is inseparable from its constitutive dimension—particularly in dynamic and complex political environments.
Türkiye'de medyada nükleer enerji santrallerinin çerçevelenmesi ve kamuoyu üzerindeki etkisi: Deneysel bir araştırma
Media framing research has demonstrated significant effects on public opinion formation, yet limited attention examines how frame effectiveness varies across domains and individual characteristics within polarized political environments. Türkiye's polarized media system and ongoing nuclear energy development provide an optimal context for investigating these complex framing dynamics. This study examines how different media framings of nuclear energy policy influence Turkish citizens' attitudes and identifies the individual and contextual factors that moderate these effects. The research employed a 2×2×2 factorial experimental design manipulating frame valence (positive vs. negative), frame domain (national security vs. environmental security), and media source political orientation (pro-government vs. opposition). Participants (N = 778) were randomly assigned to experimental conditions and exposed to three news articles reflecting their assigned treatment combination before completing attitude measures. Results demonstrated framing effects. In the full sample, positive frames showed higher government policy support compared to negative frames. Among attention iv check passers (N = 443), government policy support remained significant and general attitudes reached significance. Domain analysis revealed asymmetry: national security frames produced significant effects across multiple attitude dimensions, while environmental security frames showed minimal impact. Individual differences revealed curvilinear moderation patterns for both media trust and knowledge, with moderate levels creating optimal framing susceptibility. The findings demonstrate that framing effectiveness depends critically on domain content and audience characteristics rather than simple valence manipulation. Results suggest that security-related frames may be more cognitively accessible in Türkiye's geopolitical context, while environmental arguments require more sustained communication efforts. Keywords: media framing, nuclear energy, polarization, public opinion, political communication
Tasarımda bütünleşik, uygulamada ayrışmış: Türkiye'de çocuk işçiliği politikası
Integrated policy strategies appear as an innovative solution for the contemporary policy issues and inherent problems of contemporary public policies. Growing scholarly interest in policy integration reveals the actor-driven and dynamic nature of policy integration. However, this awareness remains limited to the policy formulation stage. Accordingly, a vast amount of research handles policy integration as the end-all to effectively deal with contemporary policy issues at all stages of the policy cycle. Nevertheless, integrated policy strategies are not perfectly immune to the potential challenges of the policy implementation process. The inherent cross-sectoral and multi- actor structure, accompanied by varying levels of policy ambiguity, is common for both multi-sector and sectoral public policies. In this context, bridging the two bodies of literature on policy integration and policy implementation becomes particularly promising to analyze policy integration in practice. Therefore, this thesis aims to advance the state of the art by exploring which combinations of product policy ambiguity and policy conflict produces policy integration at the implementation stage following Matland's (1995) model of implementation. This study relies on a comparative case study based on semi-structured interviews from four cities selected from Türkiye with a particular focus on combating child labor in seasonal agriculture. Based on an analysis of the different combinations of different levels of policy ambiguity and policy conflict, this study proposes four worlds of product integration at the implementation stage: experimental, symbolic, political, and administrative. It shows that policy integration in implementation is a different object than in design, which necessitates an analysis of policy implementation rather than policy design. The thesis explores the four worlds of politics of implementation despite uniform policy design in each. In doing so, this thesis introduces a concept of perception of policy ambiguity considering its subjective and context-based characteristics. It also operationalizes both concepts, namely policy ambiguity and policy conflict, through interview data. Finally, it suggests ambiguity-driven sectoral conflict as a new form of sectoral conflict. Keywords: policy integration, product integration, policy ambiguity, policy conflict, child labor
Dış yardımda kalkınma ve güvenliğin kesişimi: Çin ve Japonya'nın Afrika'daki dış yardım faaliyetleri üzerine bir inceleme (2001–2021)
This thesis examines the post-Cold War merger of development and security in foreign aid by analyzing China's and Japan's aid strategies in Africa between 2001 and 2021. Guided by the research question, "How have development aid and security merged in the post–Cold War period?", the study investigates whether the merger pattern, previously identified in the aid strategies of North American and Western European donors, is also reflected in the cases of China and Japan. Employing a case study approach, the analysis draws on official documents from the Forum on China- Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD), using policy discourse and policy design indicators of the merger derived from existing scholarship. The findings reveal a consistent pattern: development and security are merged in both policy discourse and policy design in China's and Japan's foreign aid strategies in Africa after the Cold War.
Kı̇mı̇n entegrasyonu? 2015-2018 yılları arasında Bosna Hersek'tekı̇ emek piyasası reformuna eleştı̇rel bı̇r bakış
This dissertation examines mechanisms of supervised sovereignty in Bosnia and Herzegovina's 2015-2018 labor market reforms, investigating how international actors shape domestic policy outcomes while maintaining the appearance of consensual reform. Drawing on decoloniality theory, the study employs discourse analysis of 84 policy documents, social network analysis of coordination architectures, and interviews with 20 labor market experts to analyze how supervised sovereignty operates through discourse legitimation, coordination architecture, and expert intermediation. The research reveals that international and domestic actors deploy complementary legitimation strategies that make externally-driven reforms appear simultaneously scientifically necessary, politically inevitable, and democratically legitimate. Social network analysis exposes structural design flaws in the Reform Agenda's coordination architecture, including excessive centralization and systematic marginalization of implementation actors and constitutionally mandated governance levels. Expert interviews demonstrate how local professionals become institutionally formed subjects whose identities require compliance with international frameworks, creating cycles where structural alienation generates deeper attachment to exclusionary systems rather than resistance. These findings contribute to understanding contemporary international governance by revealing how post-conflict interventions have evolved beyond overt administration toward sophisticated forms of epistemic control that maintain hierarchical relationships while preserving the appearance of partnership. The research challenges conventional explanations that attribute reform failures to insufficient political will or administrative capacity, demonstrating instead how structural design inadequacies reproduce the problems they claim to address while systematically marginalizing locally grounded alternatives to externally imposed development paradigms.
Türk kollektif hafızasında ideal Türk anlatıları: "Payitaht: Abdülhamid II" ve "Mehmetçik Kût-ül Amâre" dizilerinin bir analizi
This thesis analyzes the construction of the ideal Turk images by the television dramas "Payitaht: Abdülhamid II" and "Mehmetçik Kût-ül Amâre" in relation to the production of collective memory. They are examined within the framework of JDP's nationalism project, in particular the similarities and differences of the JDP's ideal image from the initial concept of ideal citizen constructed during the years of the early Republic. The aim of this thesis is to show what kind of an ideal citizen the JDP government constructs and implies it through re-visiting the existing elements of the ideal citizen which exists in Turkish collective memory in relation to their nationalism project. The characteristics of the represented ideal image is analyzed based on the four most repeated notions in both series. The ideal Turk's understanding of what their national duties are, their relationship withIslam, the West and the internal others have been determined as categories of analysis.After that, the changes and continuities between this narration and the official narration that is constructed during the first years of the new Republic is acknowledged with relation to the present government's doctrine.
Türkiye'de devlet ve sivil toplum ilişkilerini yeniden düşünmek: Göçmen sağlığı üzerine bir analiz
This thesis aims to investigate what kind of functions can civil society organizations serve in states that have historically created unfavorable structural conditions for them. For this purpose, a political ethnography study was conducted for over 3 years. Within the scope of this study, laws regulating the access of migrants to health services were examined, in-depth interviews with 29-people conducted, and participant observation was carried out in 8-places. This study theoretically argues that civil society organizations may challenge the structural boundaries determining the limits of their activity at the time of crises. Depending on the content and size of these crises, even historically statist states may have to make room for civil society. Within the empiric case of this study that analyzes civil society and state relations under migrant health field in Turkey, this thesis argues that the recent migration wave was the window of opportunity to gain a temporary space in the field for civil society organizations in Turkey, which are weak due to being under the tutelage of the state, originating from the statist tradition. Civil society has filled this area with positive contributions to all migrants; but the strong statist understanding of the state causes this circumstance to recede in the long-run. Given the findings of this thesis, it is concluded that the state needs to allow for civil society in the field of health while at the same time maintain fulfilling its inspection and coordination roles in that area.
Türkiye'deki yerel halkın Suriyeli mültecilere dair bakış açıları: Gün grupları örneği
This study mainly investigates the perceptions on Syrian refugees in Turkey, as one of the host countries. It does so by focusing on the case of the perceptions of the local population in Mersin, a city which received a substantial number of Syrian refugees in Turkey. The research is based on the analysis of data from five "gün" groups in Mersin, which consist of occasions of females of different age and socio-economic backgrounds on a fairly regular basis. In the context of this study, the discourses of the 'gün' participants will be analyzed, and the common patterns revealed in the 'gün' groups' discourses as prejudiced perceptions, stereotypes and hearsays, scapegoating, 'us' vs. 'them' and discriminative discourses will be emphasized. The study concludes that the discourses of the 'gün' members reveal marginalization and discursive exclusion of the Syrian refugees. It underlines the function of the 'gün' occasions as "building blocks of society" in identity (re)formation of the Syrian refugees in everyday life. The study also draws the conclusion that marginalization and exclusion are stemming from lack of interaction, cultural differences, language obstacle and lack of trust towards the Syrian refugees.
Alafranga züppe: Geç 19. yüzyıl Osmanlı romanlarında modern bireycilik
The thesis studies the Hamidian regime (1876-1909) of the Ottoman Empire with regard to the relations between Ottoman modernization, Westernization and the proto-individualism that was then taking roots without the concomitant development of capitalism and in the absence of bourgeoisie. To investigate these relations, the thesis concentrates upon the alla franca dandy literary figure; a francophile who adores European culture and feels aversion towards the Ottoman/Islamic culture. The alla franca dandy owes his existence to Ahmet Mithat's Felatun Bey and Rakım Efendi (1876) published as a critique of "false Westernization" and an attempt at circumscribing the limits of proper modernization, balancing the Ottoman/Islamic culture and Western material progress. He was thus born out of the Ottoman intellectuals' ideas of and anxiety over Westernization, who sought to modernize the society without subverting the traditional foundations. As the Ottoman/Islamic and Western cultures collided, the alla franca dandy became the embodiment of "false Westernization" and served the intellectuals' objective to educate the masses by setting a bad example. However, though the alla franca dandy was born to circumscribe the proper limits of modernization, he ironically evolved, through the novels of authors like Ekrem and Gürpınar), to express individualistic attitudes and put forth a modernist critique of the Ottoman/Islamic tradition as the intellectuals' epistemological assumptions eroded and the society's present is questioned and problematized as in need of intervention. Through an analysis of the alla franca dandy's development, the thesis tries to bring forth Ottoman modernity's unique nature and individualism's role in it.
Avrupa Birliği'nde küçük devletler: Avrupa Parlamentosu ve Avrupa Birliği Konseyi'nde siyasi temsiliyet
The 2004 Enlargement of the European Union marked an important development within the institutional history of the European Union with the participation of eight Central and Eastern European and two island states. The active representation of small member states became more important than ever in the European Union policy-making. Although the literature on the representation of small states in the European Union provides an enriching contribution, existing studies are limited by their focus on providing theoretical overviews which lack empirical case study analyses. This study tackles the issue of political representation of small member states in the European Union and empirically examines the role of four small member states in European Union policy-making. By developing a set of arguments on the domestic and supranational factors impacting the role of small state representatives, this research qualitatively examines the representation of Cyprus, Estonia, Luxembourg, and Malta in the European Union institutions. In this research, it is argued that domestic and supranational structural factors impact representation of small states in the European Parliament and Council of the European Union. Compared to large member states, representing high percentage of country's population, limited administrative resources and structures of party politics influence legislative behaviour of small state representatives. This leads representatives to establish a closer relationship with their constituencies in the European Parliament. Considering the Qualified Majority Voting method, representatives employ strategies which are particular to small states in order to influence voting processes in the Council of the European Union.
Göçün güvenlikleştirilmesi: İran İslam Cumhuriyeti'ndeki Afgan mülteciler örneği
Based on security studies literature, this dissertation examines securitization of migration and Afghan refugees in the Islamic Republic of Iran between 1979 and the present day. The main argument of the dissertation is that a pattern is discernible between Iran's direct involvement in armed conflicts and presenting migration as a security issue. Dividing the time framework into three periods, 1979-1989, 1989- 2012 and 2012 to present day, the dissertation shows that when Iran gets involved in an armed conflict, -as in the first and third periods- it welcomes the Afghan refugees and pursues integrationist policies, and when Iran enters a period of peace, it resorts to restrictive policies against the refugees. Both international and domestic factors, which lead to this special relationship between the independent variable -involvement in armed conflict- and the dependent variable -securitization of migration- are discussed in historical and sociological detail.
Militarizm çalışmaları: İngilizce dünya literatürü ve Türkiye literatürünün karşılaştırmalı analizi
Militarism has attracted academic attention since late seventeenth century. Scholars have defined and studied militarism in different ways. While during the First World War, militarism was studied as an ideology, in the post – Second World War period civil-military relations was the focus of analysis. Since the 1970s, the scholarship on militarism began to diversify. During the late 1980s, scholars started to study militarism as a sociological and historical phenomenon. This thesis aims to analyze how militarism has been studied in (English-speaking) world scholarship and in Turkey. By adopting meta-study technique, the thesis identifies the similarities and differences between the two bodies of scholarship. In the concluding section, the thesis discusses what Turkey's scholarship on militarism has focused on and overlooked in comparison to world scholarship.
Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde Türkiye'de resmi söylemde göçün güvenlikleştirilmesi
Since the end of the Cold War, Turkey has become a destination country for the human mobility of people who are not of 'Turkish descent and culture'. For the first time in the history of the Republic, Turkey has become a destination and not only a transit country. The thesis is interested in the changing official responses of the Republic to this transition. The question asked is whether and/or in what ways major human mobility cases to Turkey in the post-Cold War Era were securitized in the official discourse of the Republic. The cases that are focused on are the mobility of the 1989 Ethnic Turks of Bulgaria, and the Northern Iraqis in 1991, mobility from the post-Soviet countries and from the Central African countries since the early 1990s, and post-2011 Syrian human mobility. While examining this question, the thesis adopts the perspective of securitization theory and looks to see whether these human mobilities were portrayed as a threat to Turkey's national security or not.
"İçerideki dışarıdakiler:" İsrail ve Türkiye'de Filistin ve Kürt kökenli vatandaşlara yönelik devlet politikalarının bir karşılaştırması
Israel and Turkey have been regarded as ethnically divided societies where ethnicity represented a fundamental political cleavage between a national majority and ethnic minority. The formation of Israeli and Turkish nation-states simultaneously led to the "minoritization" of those Palestinians and Kurds who constituted the biggest ethnic and linguistic minority by a wide margin in their respective countries. While Israel never considered assimilating its Palestinian citizens into mainstream Israeli national identity, considering Jewishness as its essential and indispensable element, Turkey engaged in assimilation policies vis-à-vis its Kurdish citizens, which met with limited success. Although the two countries applied different methods of ethnic diversity management, they have converged in maintaining exclusive state identities, Jewish and Turkish, and excluded their Palestinian and Kurdish minorities from political and economic power. Especially in recent decades, both states have been challenged by their Palestinian and Kurdish minorities seeking equal treatment with the Jewish and Turkish majority. Minority demands share common elements: the recognition of their status as a national minority entitled to collective rights and effective inclusion into the political system. However, awarding full citizenship rights has been questioned on accounts of Jewish sovereignty dilution fears in Israel and Kurdish self-determination and partition in Turkey. Failing to distinguish their citizens from their trans-border ethnic kin groups and viewing them as part of trans-national community threatening Israeli and Turkish sovereignty, Israel's citizens of Palestinian descent and Turkey's citizens of Kurdish descent have been turned into "inside outsiders."
Liderlerin dış siyasi şoklara tepkisi: Necmettin Erbakan & Recep Tayyip Erdoğan'ın liderlik özellikleri ve tarzlarının analizi
Turkey has witnessed a leader-oriented history of politics. Considering the role of leadership characteristics as an explanatory variable, this thesis follows the leadership studies suggesting that personal traits and leadership styles play significant roles in shaping a leader's policy-making process. Presupposing that the leader matters to adequately comprehend Turkish politics, this thesis focuses on the leadership traits and styles of two significant figures: Necmettin Erbakan (the founding member and leader of several prominent Islamic political parties in Turkey from the 1960s to the 2010s, namely the National Order Party (MNP), the National Salvation Party (MSP), the Welfare Party (RP), mentor of the Virtue and Felicity Parties); and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (chairman of the Justice and Development Party, Prime Minister between 2003 and 2014, and President since August 2014). In analyzing the role of the leadership traits and styles of Erbakan and Erdoğan in their decision-making process, the overarching methodological approach combines the Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA) with an at-a-distance assessment technique and the case study. Using LTA, this thesis discusses whether and in what ways Erbakan's and Erdoğan's traits and leadership styles changed in response to the military threats both leaders faced and their parties' closure cases. Considering valuable and meaningful results delivered by LTA, this thesis empirically expands the literature on Turkish political leaders and contributes theoretically to leadership studies on the role of exogenous shocks in studying politics.
Budapeşte ve Atina'da yüksek nitelikli göçmenlerin yaşadığı vatandaşlık deneyimleri: Yurtsever kozmopolit vatandaşların ortaya çıkışı
This study explores the lived citizenship experiences of highly-skilled migrants through the analysis of 62 semi-structured interviews and an online questionnaire (N=177) conducted in Budapest and Athens between October 2022 and February 2024. The study aims to understand and explain how citizenship is understood and appropriated by highly skilled migrants who develop multi-layered attachments as highly mobile individuals, reflecting on their everyday transnational lives in the urban setting of Budapest and Athens. The study suggests that migrants' understanding of citizenship is shaped based on an amalgamation of legal-political status laden with rights and duties, and an identity and multi-layered sense of belonging derived from their lived socio-economic, socio-cultural, and emotional experiences. This study defines lived citizenship as a sum of the relational process involving experiences of belonging and coexistence that individuals undergo in everyday life within and beyond states, in both public and private realms. The research argues that highly skilled migrants' experiences and narratives demonstrate a distinct understanding of citizenship, which is conceptualized in this study as patriotic cosmopolitan citizenship, turning them into hybrid citizens. The study advances the analytical framework and thinking on the foundation, manifestations, and operationalization of citizenship from below, underlining the significance of affective and subject-defining aspects. This empirical research goes beyond the existing studies which focus on policy-oriented, macro-level analyses of highly-skilled migration, presenting a unique contribution to the production of knowledge on highly skilled migrants in Budapest and Athens.
Türkiye'de siyasetin dönüşümü: Dikotomik kavramsal modellerin bir analizi
Bu çalışma Türkiye'de siyaseti açıklamak üzere önerilen "dikotomik kavramsal modeller"in 1990'lardan 2010'lara uzanan dönemde yaşanan siyasal dönüşüm etrafında geçerliliklerinin sorgulanmasını amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada Şerif Mardin'in "merkez – çevre", Metin Heper'in "aşkın devlet – toplum", İdris Küçükömer'in "Batıcı laik – Doğucu İslamcı" cephe ve Emre Kongar'ın "devletçi seçkinci - gelenekçi liberal" cephe modellerinden oluşan dikotomik kavramsal modellerin Türkiye'de son otuz yılda yaşanan siyasal değişme etrafında geçerliliklerini yitirmiş oldukları tezi öne sürülmektedir. Bu bağlamda dikotomik kavramsal modellerin geçerliliklerini, Türkiye siyasetini açıklama kabiliyetlerini ortadan kaldıran ve 1990'lardan 2010'lara uzanan ekonomik, toplumsal ve siyasal dönüşüm analiz edilmektedir. 1990 sonrası dönemde Türkiye'de yaşanan sosyo - politik dönüşümün ele alındığı bu analiz sürecinde çoğulcu grup yaklaşımından hareket edilmektedir. Çalışmada ayrıca söz konusu siyasal dönüşüm etrafında Türkiye'de yeniden şekillenen siyasal hayatı açıklamak üzere alternatif bir kavramsal model önerisinde bulunulmaktadır. Çoklu, çok aktörlü ve grup temelli bir yaklaşıma dayalı bu alternatif kavramsal model 'total siyaset' olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Total siyaset analizi çerçevesinde Türkiye'de siyasetin sosyal gruplar arasında sivil toplum, siyasal alan ve iktidar alanı düzeylerinde yaşanan, grup içi ve gruplar arası iktidar ilişkileri etrafında şekillendiği öne sürülmektedir.
Göç, vatandaşlık ve vatandaş olma kararı: Kanada ve Almanya'daki Türk göçmenler
Very few studies among migration, citizenship and nationalization literatures focus on the individuals and their ideas about recent migration motivation, naturalization decisions and conceptualization of citizenship. Based on in-depth interviews with highly skilled and business Turkish immigrants (HSBTI) in Canada and Germany, the study seeks the recent reasons of people to move and tries to understand whether the recent migration motivation of people is affected by citizenship and migration policies of host countries. Additionally, the study intends to build a typology for understanding the meaning of citizenship in the literature and to include individuals into the discussion by seeking how the individuals (mainly immigrants) define the concept citizenship in recent times. Lastly, the study tries to find out why some immigrants decide to receive the citizenship of country of destination while others do not. The study also tries to understand whether citizenship and migration policies of host countries as well as citizenship conceptualization of immigrants affect their decision-making process. Keywords: Defining citizenship, naturalization decision-making process, recentmigration motivation, high skilled and business Turkish immigrants, Turkey,Germany and Canada.
Türkiye'de merkez sağın tipolojisi
This dissertation analyzes the center-right in Turkey regarding its domestic politics and discourse through three main parameters which are democracy, state and secularism. A set of theoretical explanations helps to delve into the issue more deeply.
Siyasi partiler neden bölünür? Türkiye'de parti bölünmelerini ve bölünerek oluşan partileri anlamak
The process of splinter party formation has been understudied. This is related with the difficulties in studying the intraparty realm of politics and the inability of the splinter parties to turn into successful competitors. Employing an actor-oriented approach, this study traces the reasons behind splits in mainstream parties and formation of splinter parties. It intends to develop a theoretical model for explaining party splits in Turkey. It is asserted that party split is one of the possible outcomes of the competition between the dissenting faction and the dominant faction supporting the party leader. This outcome is preceded by two stages: dissent, and intraparty conflict. Strategies developed by dissenting faction and the party leader's response are conditioned by a number of endogenous and exogenous factors. Endogenous factors include the nature of disagreement, relative power of competing factions across the different layers of party organization and leadership autonomy. Exogenous factors include the costs of forming a new party and the perceived viability for a new party. Splinter party is formed in case the dissident faction that departs from the parent organization chooses to invest on a new party rather than switching to an established party. The model proposed in this dissertation is illustrated by a comparative analysis of five cases of party splits in Turkish party system since the transition to democracy in 1946. The political parties that are analyzed within the scope of this study include the Democrat Party, the Republican People's Party, the Justice Party, the True Path Party and the Democratic Left Party. The analysis reveals that endogenous factors are more influential over party splits compared to the exogenous factors. Moreover, in case the dissidents are unlikely to voice within the party platforms, they might simply resign without voice.
Türkiye ve Yunanistan'da yazılı basın ve sivil-asker ilişkileri
This study investigates how Greek and Turkish newspapers columnists interpreted and framed military takeovers in their countries after the takeovers had happened. Refuting arguments in the literature asserting that Greek columnists kept their silence during the military regime due to censorship, while there was strong and open support in Turkey among newspaper columnists for the 12 September coup and the subsequent rule, this study argues that the situations in both countries were much more complex than these studies have claimed. Directed by this approach, it focuses on the pieces published in the Greek newspapers Akropolis, Eleftheros Kosmos, and Ta Nea during the first six months of the military interregnum (after the 21 April 1967 takeover), and the ones published in the Turkish newspapers Cumhuriyet, Hürriyet, and Milliyet (after the 12 September 1980 takeover). It shows that important similarities existed between Greek and Turkish officers' approach to the media in their countries during their respective periods of rule. In addition, Greek and Turkish columnists shared both similarities and differences in their framings and interpretations of the military's takeover in their countries and the subsequent interregna. This study argues that these similarities and differences can be better understood by examining the development of journalistic profession in Greece and Turkey, as well as by analyzing the development of civil-military relations and the role and position of the military in politics in both countries since their establishments as nation-states.
Kral'ın Avrupalı Fas'ı: Fas Krallığı'nın Avrupa Topluluğu'na üyelik başvurusuna postkolonyal bir yaklaşım
This study aims to analyze the membership application of the Kingdom of Morocco to the European Community in 1987 through postcolonial nationalism, which refers to the fact that the impacts of colonizer states continue on the national identity of the colonized states after colonialism. It analyzes the membership application of the Kingdom of Morocco to the European Community in terms of how Morocco felt European so that it claimed its Europeanness according to the article 237 of the Treaty of Rome that required the aplicant states to be European, as the main article of the Treaty that founded the European Community. Taking the Bhabhaian approach to hybridity as one of the main tenets of postcolonial nationalism, this dissertation argues that the Kingdom of Morocco's relations with the European Community in 1987 should go beyond why it applied to be one of its members that was already explained by different economic and political reasons. Instead, it offers a cultural aspect defined by postcoloniality that analyzes how Kingdom of Morocco asserted its Europeanness, and how it explained to the European Commission that it was a European state according to the Treaty of Rome. Framing Morocco's colonial status between 1912 and 1956, this dissertation examines how Morocco that constructed its national identity both during and after colonialism against Europe (against France) due to European colonialism (the French Protectorate) added Europeanness into this national identity in its postolonial period, by claiming that Moroccan nation and state together are European, with King Hassan II's membership application to the European Community. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that Morocco's 1987 membership application to the European Community is the instrumentalization of hybridity that was created by the French among Moroccan locals between 1912 and 1956 by King Hassan II, in the postcolonial Moroccan national identity to claim that Morocco was European according to the article 237 of the Treaty of Rome.
Kadın köşe yazarlarının kamusal alandaki "ara" konumlarını keşfetmek: Günümüz Türkiye'sinde feminist kimlik üzerine anlatılara bir bakış
This dissertation investigates women columnists' narratives on feminist self-identification with the aim to disclose the narrative lines along which feminist identity is negotiated in 2000's Turkey. In the contemporary social and political milieu in which neoliberal, neo-conservative discourses undermine feminist demands and the poststructuralist critique makes it difficult to articulate stable identity claims, the issue of feminist self-identification comes to the forefront as a critical theme underlying the discussions on the future of feminism. These global debates also resonate at the local level with a unique tune that derives its peculiarity from the social and political context in question. Keeping this in mind, I trace the repercussions of the debates outlined above in the Turkish social and political context. It has been widely argued that the current Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule in Turkey is heavily characterized by a neoliberal, neoconservative and antifeminist political stance. Given the antifeminist ethos of the current political landscape, public negotiations of feminist self identification in contemporary Turkey display multiple layers of complexity that are difficult to disentangle. This complexity begs the question of how feminist identity is negotiated and narrated in a discursive field in which antifeminist discourses are constantly reproduced through certain discursive opportunity structures. Against this background, this dissertation particularly focuses on the narratives of women columnists who are well-known public intellectual figures in contemporary Turkey. The study of media is especially important for a study that intends to examine the positionality of narratives on feminism in public deliberation. It is worthwhile to investigate the alternative media domains in the high circulation mass media and map out the zones of potential that can contribute to the counter hegemonic attempts challenging the contemporary conservative gender regime in Turkey. The study of women columnists' narratives on feminism and feminist identity may provide us a fertile ground to delve into the discursive openings in the mainstream media through which profeminist discourses can acquire a considerable standing in public deliberation. It can provide us critical tools to nuance our reading of public sphere by disclosing the functioning mechanisms of publics that constantly shift between hegemonic and subaltern publics, which we could name as "publics in-between". Following the research goals described above, this study intends to delve into the prominent features of the positionality of women columnists in contemporary Turkey vis-a-vis the political struggles over the gender regime and shed light on the intricacies, the promising aspects and the limitations in women columnists' narratives on feminism and feminist identity. As a result, it aims to disclose how women columnists situate themselves vis-a-vis feminist subaltern publics in contemporary Turkey. Keywords: Public Sphere, Women Columnists, Feminist Identification, Narratives
Hollanda ve İngiltere siyasal sistemlerinde göçmenlerin temsili
This research aimed to analyze how often, in what ways and under which conditions MPs of migrant origin addressed the cultural and religious rights and freedoms of ethnic and religious groups. A content analysis was conducted on parliamentary questions to achieve this aim. The cases of the Netherlands and the UK are analyzed within a time period between 2002 and 2012. The research follows the 'political opportunity structures' approach in analyzing available opportunities and constraints of political and institutional environments in the above-mentioned two cases. Taking recent trends in the neo-institutionalist understanding into consideration, the study also incorporates the idea of 'discursive opportunities' into the general frame of political opportunity structures. The holistic approach incorporates political parties as a dimension of institutional approaches and makes space for individual and group related factors such as gender identity and ethnic backgrounds of minority representatives. The content analysis combines qualitative and quantitative techniques to provide an in-depth understanding of the subject area on the one hand, and formulate generalizable patterns on the other. Comparing the British and the Dutch cases reveals to what extent, if any, the opportunity structures differ across Britain and the Netherlands; the latter showing a clear shift towards a more integrative approach, whereas Britain would still seem to be attached to multiculturalism even debating it loudly in recent years. Findings of the qualitative content analysis reveal suppressive framings as well as messages supporting cultural and religious rights. The quantitative content analysis challenges the profound role attributed to the citizenship regime and media discourse. Political party membership appears to be the most significant factor in explaining a variance in framing cultural and religious rights and freedoms in the parliament. The roles of ethnic background and gender identity are also significant. However, their impacts differ across the two cases. Keywords: Political representation, immigrant minorities, content analysis, The Netherlands, The UK
Fikir müteşebbisleri olarak Türkiye'de köşe yazarları, 1983-2007: Devlet tanımlamaları
The omnipotence of the state has been a dominant theme of discussions in Turkey for a long time. Though they have been a major party to these discussions due the fact that it was newspapers and periodicals that filled the large crevice left by the late development and dissemination of scholarly books in Turkey, columnists have been sorely understudied. In an attempt to help fill this void, this study discusses ten eminent Turkish columnists' conceptions of the state over a time period stretching from 1983 to 2007. Assuming columnists as 'idea entrepreneurs', who, create a sphere of influence with their ideas, and use this sphere to further create new ideas or transform existing ones thanks to networks provided by this sphere, this dissertation brings together three seemingly separate literatures on media, state and entrepreneurship. Data acquired from analysis of considerable number of columns and semi-structured elite interviews has been processed by using qualitative content analysis and archival document analysis. The data has been coded in reference to five themes: national security and survival of the state, order and stability, economy, the shrinking state, and the rule of law. This study contributes to the literature by bringing to the fore the following results: notwithstanding intensified emphasis on liberalizing state-society relations in that time period, it first shows that the state-centered ideas set the language of politics; the press deems itself as part of this state-centered language; considerable amount of columns still teetered between transcendentalism and instrumentalism in terms of their state perceptions. Keywords: Idea Entrepreneurs, Political Communication, State, Columnists, Turkish Politics
Kalkınmakta olan dünyada refah devletinin oluşumu
Are there welfare states in the developing world? According to conventional wisdom there cannot be. The 'orthodox model' of welfare state emergence assumes that only industrialised countries can become welfare states. Yet, there is a growing literature on welfare states in developing countries. In this dissertation, I address this puzzle through two research questions: are there welfare states in the developing world? And if there are, how can we explain the emergence of these deviant cases? I explore these questions through a sequential mixed-method research design. First, I conduct a large-n fuzzy set analysis to identify welfare states in the developing world. Second, I undertake a small-n comparative-historical analysis to explain how three developing countries - Brazil, Costa Rica and South Africa – became welfare states. I find two pathways to welfare stateness in lower income contexts: (1) a social democratic pathway in which centre-left parties build the welfare state in the context of democracy (2) a Bismarckian pathway, in which state elites build the welfare state in a non-democratic context. The first pathway resembles power resources theory, but labour's role is different. The second pathway partially supports state-centred research. However, contradicting theoretical expectations, I find that state capacity is not a precondition for the welfare state. Finally, even in these deviant cases, welfare state building is connected to industrialization. By the time they became welfare states, the three cases were no longer low income countries. Therefore, I conclude that a moderate degree of development is necessary for welfare state emergence. Keywords: Comparative-Historical Analysis, Development, Fuzzy Set Analysis,Social Policy, Welfare State
Hannah Arendt'in siyasal düşüncesinde eylem ve iktidar arasındaki karşılıklı bağımlılık ilişkisi
This thesis analyzes the interdependent relation between action and power in Hannah Arendt's political thought. In this study, it is argued that reading Arendt's political theory by considering action as the only defining aspect of her understanding of politics is misleading. Power constitutes the public realm, and brings remedies to the unpredictability and individualism of action through mutual promising and recognition. In this respect, power relations provide recognition, evaluation and meaning for action in the public realm. Outside the context of power, action loses its revelatory function in disclosing the identity of an individual and retreats from the public realm. Keywords: Hannah Arendt, action, power, promising, recognition, judgment. in
28 Şubat sonrası Türkiye'de Cumhuriyet Bayramları'nın değişen rolü: Ulusal imgelemi yeniden oluşturan ve şekillendiren yaklaşımlar
ABSTRACT REPUBLIC DAYS IN THE POST 1997 PERIOD TURKEY: COMMEMORATIVE ACTIVITIES AS EMBODIED AND CONTESTED INTERVENTIONS TO THE IMAGINARY TERRAIN OF THE 'NATION' F. Gizem Zencirci M.A., Department of Political Science Supervisor: Assistant Prof. Dr. Dilek Cindoğlu September 2004 This thesis explores the Republic Day holiday celebrations and their representations in three newspapers; Zaman, Hürriyet and Cumhuriyet in the post- 1997 period from a perspective which argues that commemorative activities are a point onto which interventions signify both embodiment and contestation for the 'national imaginary'. To this end, this thesis examines the differences in the way various nationalistic discourses relate to the 'national imaginary' by employing various presences in the terrain of the Republic Day holiday. Resulting from this analysis, this thesis argues that the differences in the way various ideological positions relate to the Republic inday holiday do not lessen, in fact strengthen the function of the Republic Day holiday in the reconstruction and reimagining of the terrain of the 'nation', since the differences in 'national imaginary' are expressed via interventions to the Republic Day holiday which thus occurs as a legitimate referent 'of the nation.' Key Words: Nationalism, Turkey, Post- 1997 Period, Republic Day Holiday, Commemoration IV
Nietzsche'de kötü ve bunun George W.Bush ve Osama bin Laden'in 11 Eylül'den sonraki demeçlerindeki yansımaları
ABSTRACT EVIL IN NIETZSCHE AND ITS REFLECTIONS IN THE SPEECHES OF GEORGE W. BUSH AND OSAMA bin LADEN AFTER SEPTEMBER 1 1 Zeynep İnanç M.A., Department of Political Science Supervisor: Associate Prof. Dr. Banu Helvacioglu June 2004 In this thesis I use Nietzsche's conception of evil and power in problematizing George W. Bush and Osama bin Laden' s statements after the September 1 1 event. My main argument is based on Nietzsche's conceptualization of the creation of the idea of the real world. This idea of the real world is founded upon morality. I focus on a specific dimension of the conceptualization of evil which requires an incessant struggle between good and evil. Bush and Laden construct their moral wars against one another with a belief that one of them will eventually win. Following Nietzsche's framework, this thesis argues that this moral war is never going to end because this war is not meant to end, as the continuity of the war ensures the continuity of the power holders' power. Keywords: Power, Evil, Mechanisms of Submission, Corruption of Man's Reason, Fear, Real World. Ill
Avrupa Birliği giriş sürecinin Türk kolluk sistemi üzerindeki etkileri
ABSTRACT THE EFFECTS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ACCESSION PROCESS ON THE TURKISH LAW ENFORCEMENT SYSTEM Erol, Subhi Sinan M.A., Department of Political Science Supervisor: Prof.Dr. Ergun Özbudun July 2004 The EU accession process and the ultimate EU membership have always served as an appropriate anchor and incentive for Turkey to undertake the necessary reforms. Turkey has tried to incorporate into West by using European laws and institutions for 200 years; however, Turkey has always carried out them in her own understanding. To put it clearly, by the EU accession process, Turkey faces the fact that she has to play the game by obeying original of rules in order to become a member of the EU. Seeing that, this study aims to explain Turkey's amendments made to play the game originally, especially in the field of Justice and Home affairs. In conclusion, the scope of this analysis is to explain the transformation process of the law enforcement forces who have always been one of the most problematic parts of the Turkey's integration to West. Key Words: European Union, Turkey, Human Rights, Law Enforcement System, Gendarmerie, Police in
Çevre ve gelişme kapitalizmin ekonomik politiği üzerine bir çalışma: Amerika Birleşik Devleri`ndeki, Birleşik Krallık`taki ve Türkiye`deki 1980 sonrası eşzamanlı dönüşümün farklı sonuçları
ABSTRACTA Study on Political Economy of Peripheral and Advanced Capitalism:A Simultaneous Transformation with Different Results in the post-1980 United States,United Kingdom and TurkeyKalkan, Kerem OzanM.A, Department of Political ScienceSupervisor: Prof. Dr. Ümit CizreJune 2005This thesis focuses on the post-1980 neo-liberal transformation experienced in theUnited States, the United Kingdom and Turkey. These are the countries which started toimplement neo-liberal policies simultaneously under Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher andTurgut Özal administrations. I developed a political economy outlook on these countries insuch a fashion that compares welfare state implementations to neo-liberal policies. Afterhaving analyzed four main macroeconomic indicators which are real GDP growth, inflationrates, real interest rates and real wage rates in three countries, we see that the outcomes of thetransformation were sharply different in the advanced capitalist countries, namely the UnitedStates and the United Kingdom, from those of in peripheral countries like Turkey.Keywords: Political economy, the United States, the United Kingdom, Turkey, neo-liberalism.
Akademik, tarihsel ve hukuksal gelişmelerin ışığında terörizm tanımlarının irdelenmesi
ABSTRACTCONCEPTUALIZING THE DEFINITION OF TERRORISM IN LIGHT OF THEDEVELOPMENTS IN THE FIELDS OF ACADEMICS, HISTORY ANDLEGISLATIONSözübir, UfukM.A., Department of Political ScienceSupervisor: Prof. Ergun ÖZBUDUNSeptember, 2005The basic question to be answered in this thesis is: Is there a way to reach a consensusabout a generally accepted definition of terrorism by using the perspectives of historyand legitimacy in the World Community? The solution to the problem about thedefinition of terrorism is an important question because of the sensitivities displayed bythe nations of different regions and their different perceptions of terror. The questionsabout the nature of the terrorists, their motivation, their aims and the methods they use toachieve these aims are still being debated world-wide. On the other hand, terrorists alsohave the ability and possibility to reach the same sources regarding history andlegitimacy; therefore it may be thought that, they have a variety of options aboutlearning how to become more deadly without taking all the population of the targetcommunity to the opposite side.iiiivTo fight terrorism effectively, what is needed first is to know who the enemy is. In thisthesis, the answer to this question is carefully analyzed and a solution is offered. Briefinformation about the background of terror events in history and jurisprudenceconcerning national and international community is added to help understand thesubject. Instead of putting up a certain and complete definition that may lead to manymisunderstandings and a danger of constriction of the concept, the preconditions tomake an efficient definition of terror is explained. This is important because there arecertain difficulties in discriminating terrorists from other types of criminals, especiallyguerilla fighters and organized criminals. In this thesis, the purpose of the guerillaactivities and their methods, also the differences and common points of these two areanalyzed and explained. As an accessory, the statistics of terror events between 1973-2003 are included in the thesis.Key Words: Terrorism, Terrorists, Guerilla Warfare, Terror History, Legitimacy andTerror, Organized Crime, State Terrorism.ivv
Kaçak göçün önlenmesi
ABSTRACTPREVENTION OF IRREGULAR MIGRATIONEmir ŞAŞIRPeople have been moving throughout history. These movements may be eitherobligatory due to natural disasters, wars and famines or voluntary such as the movements tofind more fertile lands or new jobs. The movements of people have been limited by theimmigration policies of receiving countries.Although developed countries are willing to accept migrant workers in economicboom years, they do their best to limit their entrance in stagnation periods. As a last resort,people use the deficiencies in legal and physical measures to enter the destination countriesillegally. These people are mostly employed in the jobs shunned by the natives and thereforethey are still welcomed implicitly.Receiving states try to prevent illegal immigration waves as they are seen as a threat tothe sovereignty, and more recently, the security of the states. This thesis analyzes themeasures to be taken in prevention of illegal migration and tries to bring new solutions to theproblem.Key words: Migration, Irregular Migration, Illegal Migration, Undocumented Migration,Human Smuggling, Human Trafficking, Turkey, Measures, Prevention, Theories of Migration
Mahallede toplumsal mekansallaşmanın kritik anları: Geleneksel gecekondu tarihinin alternatif okuması
ABSTRACT CRITICAL MOMENTS OF SOCIAL SPATIALIZATION IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD: AN ALTERNATIVE READING OF THE MAINSTREAM GECEKONDU HISTORY Demirtaş, Neslihan P.D., Department of Political Science Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Banu Helvacıoğlu June 2007 This thesis aims to expose an alternative local historical reading of the formation of a gecekondu space as a response to modernist consideration of gecekondu development in Turkey. The social construction of neighborhood space, which occurs at the level of social imaginary and representations as well as at the level of real interventions in the form of social practices producing a built environment, is narrated by means of insider perspectives and using qualitative techniques. In this reading, it will be made explicit that the dynamics and patterns by which the modernist, strategic interventions in local space and tactical acts of the migrants in producing their locality are closely interconnected. This interconnectedness not only sheds light to the weaknesses of the strategical practice of imposing a modernist space but also the tactical acts of migrants utilizing the loopholes in the strategical realm. Spontaneity as the defining and intrinsic quality of gecekondu settlements is mainly embedded in the diverse local agencies that lead to spatial contingencies. The ethnic identities constitute the main means by which the migrants employ certain tactics with regard to strategical policy acts and to other groups in the neighborhood. Within the context of the intertwined nature of tacticiv and strategy, gecekondu settlements will be discussed as a byÂproduct of the sum of modernist strategical acts more than as unintended consequences of urban development. Keywords: Gecekondu, Social Spatialization, TacticÂStrategy, Ethnic Identities, Spontaneity, Spatial Contingency.vÂ
Türkiye'deki sivil toplumun demokratik pekişmeye etkisi üzerine bir inceleme
ABSTRACTAN ANALYSIS ON THECONTRIBUTION OF CIVIL SOCIETY TO DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATIONIN TURKEYTorus, EmreDepartment of Political Science and Public AdministrationSupervisor: Prof. Dr. Ergun ÖzbudunMay 2007This is an analysis on the contribution of civil society to democraticconsolidation in Turkey. This thesis will try to understand this problematic byassessing the civil society?s formal structure, legal framework, internal values and itsimpact during the consolidation process. The key aim here is to understand the civilsociety?s role as a contributor to democratic consolidation by mapping the civil societyand democratic consolidation relationship in Turkey. While doing so, this study willbase itself on a combination of theories that link the civil society to democraticconsolidation with an empirical tool for the assessment of this linkage.Keywords: Civil society, democratic consolidation, Turkey.
Mekanın üretimi ve kentliliğin inşası: 1930?lar Ankarası?nda enformal pratikler
This study, employing the city space of Ankara as its case, aims at understanding the production of space and the construction of urbanity through a reconsideration of the Turkish modernization project. The study focuses on 1930s, the early Republican period, which were the years in which a nation-building process was accompanying the making of urban-citizens. During these years, in order to modernize the country the modernizing elite aimed at a civilizational shift, which brought with it the transformation of both the private and the public spheres. In this process, spatial practices -in both macro and micro level- were used as a tool to create desired urbane-citizens. Moving from here, the thesis discusses the construction of urbanity and its functions with reference to formal and informal spatial practices, both of which generated the modern space of Ankara. Through the analysis of this process of construction, the study also elaborates on the Turkish modernization project with reference to both informal and formal practices, in order to illuminate the struggles and tensions within it. Both the spatial practices and the modernization project are reconsidered through Henri Lefebvre?s conceptualizations of social space.
Otoriter parti yapılarını kuramlaştırmak: Türkiye örneği
The existing studies assume or treat an authoritarian party organization as a static and uniform structure, in which national party leaders dominate the party on the ground. Moreover, the extant explanations of authoritarianism focus on the effect of macro-level factors (e.g. the changes in the nature of democratic competition, political culture and institutional structure) over the internal strategies of the party leadership. Thus, little attention is paid to the role that local party actors play in authoritarian party structures. This study attempts to enhance our understanding of dynamics and factors behind party authoritarianism by raising the following questions: What does constitute party authoritarianism? Is it really a uniform or a static phenomenon as assumed? If not, how can we explain the variance in party authoritarianism? What might be the theoretical and policy implications of such an analysis for democratic development and party governance?By conducting a comparative case study of four political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, DTP) in four geographically and politically distinct urban districts (Karşıyaka, Ümraniye, DiyarbakırMerkez and Tarsus) within Turkish political system, this study identifies four types of authoritarian party structures: benign, clandestine, challenged and coercive. In order to explain this variance, this study utilizes principal-agent approach, which is modified in two ways. First, as opposed to internally democratic parties, it is the national party leaders (principals) that delegate authority to local party actors (agents) in authoritarian parties. Second, the interest configurations between the principals and agents are based on not only material but also social interests. Material interests are those associated with power-seeking aims such as a desire for a position in public office. Social interests refer to the shared ideas and values such as ideological attachment, policy interests or loyalty to the leader. It is argued that interest configurations, which constitute the power structures between the national party leaders (principals) and local party actors (agents), vary across space and time. Second, the endogenous and exogenous triggers such as the outcomes of candidate selection processes or electoral defeats have the potential to cause a change in the power equilibrium between principals and agents, which might generate a new type of party authoritarianism or an exit to democratic party governance.Empirical analyses indicate that the agents motivated primarily by material interests are subordinate to party authoritarianism due to the material benefits received from the principals (benign authoritarianism). The agents motivated by social or ideational interests accept the subordination because of their loyalty to the party leader or the party ideology (clandestine authoritarianism). That been said, the agents whose interests conflict with the principals as a result of exogenous or endogenous triggers might attempt to shirk from the authority of the principals and object the authoritarian party structure (challenged authoritarianism). The authoritarian-leaning principals, in response, may exert coercion over the challenging agents (coercive authoritarianism). The success of the challenging agents over the principals depends on their power resources, such as information, social and economic status, legitimacy and networking with other agents.This work, thus, shows that party authoritarianism should be understood as a dynamic and heterogeneous phenomenon, which shows significant degree of variance across space and time. To have a better sense of this dynamic phenomenon, we need to focus on the role of micro-level factors (i.e. interest configuration and power relationships among principals and agents). With respect to broader implications, the principal-agent (PA) relationship must be understood in a different way in authoritarian party organizations where the major responsibility of the local party actors is to fulfill the tasks set by the national party leaders. Therefore, in studying the power structure of authoritarian party organizations, contrary to the conventional understanding, it is useful to assign the role of the principal to the national party leaders and the role of the agent to the local party actors.Another implication of this study is that exit from party authoritarianism is always a possibility not only because the national party leaders choose to do so, but also because the local party actors have the potential to cultivate new power resources and create power networks against authoritarian party structures. Yet, this possibility arises only when there is a conflict of interests between the agents and principals. Therefore, what causes the rise of such intra-party conflicts (e.g. electoral defeats, outcomes of candidate selection processes) and what prevents them from arising (e.g. material benefits, or social interests such as leadership loyalty, ideological attachment) must be given further recognition in studying internal dynamics of party authoritarianism.
Hollandalı, yarı-Hollandalı ve Hollandalı olmayan: Hollanda'da çokkültürcülük ve müslüman azınlıklara yönelik politikalar
The history of Muslim existence in Europe has also been a history of crises. The crisis is partially of the liberal democracy. Indeed, in Europe, the limits of toleration, the limits of freedom of speech, and the limits of religious freedom are being discussed especially regarding the new Muslim presence. Moreover, after the Madrid bombings on 11 March 2004, the murder of Theo van Gogh in Amsterdam on 2 November 2004, and the London bombings on 7 July 2005, many analysts, observers, intellectuals and opinion formers not only concluded that multiculturalism had failed but also accused it of being responsible for the bombings and the murder. Even those who do not directly blame multiculturalism tend to believe that multiculturalism needs to be reconsidered, and may be replaced by ?integration,? which is very frequently used interchangeably with ?assimilation.?The Dutch case is one of the best cases to study the above discourses. Although the Netherlands is still a liberal frontrunner when it comes to issues like homosexuality, soft-drugs, prostitution and euthanasia, it is also considered as one of the sharpest u-turns from hospitable and tolerant policies towards immigrants. With this u-turn, not only the entrance of new immigrants and refugees from non-Western countries is complicated, but also the focus turned towards the integration of the second and third generation immigrants, especially the Muslims. Not surprisingly, some positive and negative examples of integration have come into prominence, and some good and bad Muslim subjectivities have been formed.After analyzing primary and secondary sources on Muslim integration and 44 in-depth interviews conducted in the Netherlands in 2008, this dissertation has four major conclusions. First of all, the history of a negative portrayal of Muslims in the Netherlands is much older than the post-September 11th discourse of the ?war on terror.? Secondly, while the religious people in general are found ?irritating? as soon as they carry their religious reasoning into the public sphere, Muslim people, for their new demands, increasing populations and public appearances in the big cities, are found more irritating than the conservative Christians. Thirdly, the retreat from multicultural policies has simultaneously taken place with the increasing Muslim determination to make use of community level rights and the growing visibility of Muslims in the public spheres of major Dutch cities. And finally, the debates about everyday-life practices aimed at either forming some acceptable models of Muslim subjectivity that coexist with Western liberal democracy or denigrating some other models that are perceived (or presented) as threats to liberal democracy.
Bir Türk sosyal demokratının portresi: İsmail Cem
İsmail Cem (1940-2007) was a Turkish intellectual and social democratic politician who spent his life investigating the characteristics and problems of Turkish modernization and social democratic solutions to these problems. Cem started his career as a peculiar socialist journalist who had a special curiosity towards the Ottoman past in the late 1960s and early 1970s. With his books and articles he became an influential and prestigious figure in the leftist intellectual and political circles and served as the manager of Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT). Unlike usual leftist-modernist intellectuals, he was very critical of ?top to bottom? Turkish modernization and had propositions to solve Turkey?s political problems within the limits of democracy. During these years, Cem?s democratic socialism slowly evolved into social democracy. Starting from the 1980s, Cem appeared this time as a social democratic politician and tried to realize his projects and reduce his theories into practice. He was one of the leading figures of Turkish social democracy and was the creator of the ?Anatolian Left? together with Deniz Baykal. In the mid-1990s he served for a short time as the Minister of Culture and starting from 1997 -with short interruptions- for five years he worked as the Foreign Minister of Turkey. He continued to write about Turkish politics and foreign policy and left behind an important collection of books and articles.İsmail Cem saw his life?s work as involving basically three tasks: to reconcile Turkey with its Ottoman past by softening the radical modernist mentality of the earlier Republican period both on the intellectual and social levels, to find solutions to Turkey?s various political problems by making a social democratic interpretation of Kemalism and thus, achieving democratic consolidation in Turkey and to transform his country into a respected regional power in international relations by pursuing an active foreign policy through full membership to the European Union as well as by developing relations with Middle Eastern and Eurasian countries. Both as a public intellectual and politician, he was able to take considerable steps in order to realize these three tasks, though he did not have chance to complete his mission. Although he was an important part of the intellectual force behind Turkey?s pro-Western secular segments, we do not know too much about Cem?s personal life and intellectual development throughout the years. This thesis is an attempt to analyze İsmail Cem by focusing on his life, his ideas, his political career, his propositions to Turkey?s major democratic problems and his foreign policy understanding and practices analytically.
Türk siyasi parti sisteminde paradigmalar ve dinamik değişkenlik
This study argues that, contrary to popular assertions of the Turkish party system as inexplicable or unpatterned or as the persistent manifestation of an essential socio-cultural cleavage, the historic operation of the Turkish party system in the national electoral arena has demonstrated both dynamic change and significant sets of patterns that illuminate the outcomes of electoral contest in different periods. These can be traced through careful observation of the dimensions of competition and domains of identification operating in a contingent set of circumstances, the pattern of which I refer to as the political paradigm. One can best understand the behavior of the system, its parties and the electorate in elections by observing these paradigmatic patterns and the points at which they shift. Dynamic change, thus, is intended to reflect the interactive nature of the party systems and the interdependent forces?institutions, actors, structures?that combine and interact to bring about significant shifts in the political paradigm?i.e. the contingent ?system of interactions,? a key component of the standard definitions of parties as systems.In the Turkish case, through the study of national campaign discourse, existing social and political research and national and provincial-level electoral data for general elections, one can detect four periods in which a distinctive paradigmatic pattern is in operation. In the first period from 1950 to 1965, structural and institutional factors shaped the nature of multiparty politics such that the primary strategies for voter mobilization were various forms of patron-client relationships and the exploitation of existing local social structures. From 1965 to 1977, parties began to utilize ideological imaging to frame both themselves and their opponents within the system of party competition while also mobilizing votes through the growing power of trade unions and machine politics in the large urban squatter communities. After a three year period of military junta rule, multiparty politics and its accompanying paradigm beginning in 1983, guided strongly by the military, emphasized moderation, centrism and an aversion to ideology, and the selection of party was reduced to particular policies and the moderate appeal to service (hizmet) to the people while the political elites utilized rapidly expanding media technology to disseminate their appeal. The success of the religiously-oriented Welfare Party in 1994 and 1995, initiating the final paradigm, was primarily the result of an anti-establishment party capitalizing on existing mundane strategies for voter mobilization, specifically providing effective governance at the municipal level which translated to ?vote banks? for the party in national elections. This paradigm witnessed the importance of local governance, strong regional tendencies in voting behavior, and an increasingly identity-based element in campaign discourse, primarily set along a religious-secularist divide and entwined with a secondary Turkish nationalist versus Kurdish nationalist- pluralist pole.
Haklar ve demokratik hesapverebilirlik: Yunanistan, İspanya ve Türkiye'deki düzensiz göç üzerine karşılaştırmalı bir çalışma
This research is a comparative politics study, focusing on the particular irregular immigration policies and politics of three countries: Greece, Spain and Turkey. The research is concerned with the extent of the rights irregular immigrants can `enjoy? in the democratic states where they reside and work. The study questions if there is a divergence or convergence among Greece, Spain and Turkey in the way they treat irregular immigrants in relation to the recognition of these immigrants? fundamental human rights. The study also questions whether or not civil society participation and judicial review, as democratic accountability mechanisms, can also function as liberal constraints on the state in its regulation of irregular immigration and immigrants? rights. The theoretical basis of the study derives partly from the comparative politics literature on accountability and state society relations, and partly from the literature on immigration policy-making. The main reason for comparing Greece, Spain and Turkey is because the countries display certain immigration relevant similarities arising from geographical proximity, but also they have distinct patterns of policies when it comes to protective measures concerning immigrants. As part of the research, a documentary analysis of relevant policy documents, such as reports of civil society organizations, policy briefs, and immigration laws and regulations was conducted. In a comparative analysis of this documentary data, the study sought to identify the similarities and differences between the policies of Greece, Spain and Turkey relating to the recognition and protection of irregular immigrants? rights. In addition, in-depth interviews with experts on immigration policy in Greece, Spain and Turkey were also conducted. The goal of the interviews was to find out to what extent democratic accountability mechanisms at a national level, such as the activism of pro-migrant organizations, human rights groups, trade unions and other civil society organizations, together with court decisions, influence the state?s protection of the rights of irregular immigrants.
Tükiye'de dini sağın dönüşümü ve devlet seçkinleri, küreselleşme ve Avrupalılaşma faktörlerinin buna etkisi
This dissertation is aims to analyze the change of Turkish religious right from Na-tional View parties to the Justice and Development Party in its goal and issue orien-tation in terms of the importance given to religion, and the influence of state elites, globalization and Europeanization in this process. This analysis will become possible with the help of a set of theoretical approaches offered to explain the causes and na-ture of party change particularly those of them examining the role of environmental changes in the change of party ideology or policy.Based on a detailed examination of the views and policies of relevant parties on is-sues of foreign policy and domestic politics, it is observed that Turkish religious right has evolved from a conservative religious movement with occasional radical tendencies to a moderate conservative one. The impact of state elites in this change is detected to be related with their secularist conception and applications which could be explained in short as opposition to the presence of religion in public life in sub-stantial ways. Globalization and Europeanization, secondly, is explored to be associ-ated with the process with the strong propensity and willingness they bring in to reli-gious right towards the adoption and promotion of western political, economic and cultural norms, principles and institutions, and establishment of deeper and closer relations with the west.In foreign policy, the movement has shown a gradual shift from a substantially culturalist to a pragmatist and rational approach. While the National View parties followed a foreign policy program defending the necessity of establishing close ties with the Muslim world and minimizing relations with the West; the Justice and De-velopment Party is with the idea of leading Turkey into a process of greater integra-tion and cooperation with the west. The JDP has not turned its back to the Muslim world, but concerns for political, legal and social reforms have started to occupy a more important place in its Middle East agenda compared to traditional cultural con-cerns.In domestic politics, secondly, the most remarkable change is detected in transition from a succession of parties aiming to introduce Islamic norms and principles in pub-lic life to a party aiming to introduce rights and freedoms for its conservative elec-torate through the mechanisms provided by liberal democratic systems with clear detachment from the goal of introducing Islamic law and state.
2000?lerin Türkiye?sinde siyasi erkeklik: Siyasetteki farklı erkeklik temsilleri
This dissertation mainly questions the constructions of different masculinities in politics in Turkey. It re-reads the different representations of political manhood with reference to the AKP, the CHP and the MHP between 2000 and 2008. In order to reveal the embeddedness of masculinities and politics, this dissertation analyzes not only gendered discourses of the given political parties but also their leaders, namely, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Deniz Baykal and Devlet Bahçeli. With the guidance of Pierre Bourdieu?s analytical tools, especially, on the basis of the congruent relation between habitus and the field, this dissertation questions different representations of masculinities and identifies typologies of masculinities, namely ; (1) Neo-Muslim, (2) Kemalist/Secular, and, (3) Nationalist. With reference to the patterns of masculinities in Turkish political culture, this study argues that the gendered nature of the politics, in general, political parties in particular, use and reproduce dominant masculinist strategies. In politics as a field, leaders experience the praxis of being man rather than their ideological engagements; leftist, rightist or Islamist.
Din-devlet ilişkilerinin göstergesi olarak din eğitiminin Avrupalılaşma teorileri ile incelenmesi: Türkiye ve Polonya örnekleri
This thesis analyzes the impact of Europeanization on the conduct of religious instruction within the formal education system in Turkey and in Poland. The main argument is that according to the accounts of the Europeanization theory, the patterns of this impact altered because of the historical and sociological specificities of the two countries. These can be traced with an accurate investigation of the historical and legal contexts concerning the conduct of religious education in these countries and also, by inspecting the contemporary situation in order to be able to make an analysis on how Europeanization affected the policy-making in this specific field. The research aims at explaining the shaping of domestic policy-making in a value-laden field such as religious education, which has always been a sensitive issue given the nature of the subject, under the influence of Europeanization. To measure this impact on the conduct of religious education has been controversial since there are plenty of factors which have the capacity to lead to the domestic policy change. Europeanization theories support the study by offering accounts to operate within this domain and come up with concrete observations. This study delineates the different paths of Turkey and Poland in experiencing Europeanization in the field of religious education and mainly argues that Turkey has undergone a more superficial process which can be better explained by rationalist institutionalism whereas Poland practiced a deeper compliance with the European norms that can be explicated with sociological institutionalist account of Europeanization theory. Keywords: Europeanization, Turkey, Poland, Religious Education, Religion
Türk siyasal hayatında muhalefet olarak milli görüş
Bu çalışmada İslami karakteri ile ön plana çıkan ve Türk siyasal hayatı açısından önemi yadsınamaz Milli Görüşün muhalefet anlayışı ele alınmıştır. Sıklıkla parti kapatmalara maruz kalan bir hareket olarak Milli Görüşün, kurulan her yeni parti ile muhalefet anlayışında bir değişim olup olmadığı incelenmiştir. Ayrıca Milli Görüşün kurucusu Necmettin Erbakan'ın en nihayetinde genel başkanı olduğu her partisinde, muhalefet anlayışını değiştirip değiştirmediği, Erbakan'dan sonra Milli Görüşün muhalefet anlayışında bir farklılık olup olmadığı araştırılmıştır. Türk siyasal hayatında Batıdakinden çok daha geç sayılabilecek bir zamanda muhalefetin kurumsallaşma sürecine girmesi ve bu sürecin Cumhuriyetin ilk yıllarına kadar sürmesi muhalefete karşı olumsuz bir bakışın oluşmasında etkili olmuştur. Çok partili hayata geçilmesiyle demokratik bir rejim için çok önemli bir adım atılmış olsa da, muhalefete karşı mesafeli duruş sebebiyle demokrasinin konsolidasyonunu tamamlamadığı söylenebilir. Bu sebeple demokrasinin temel koşulu sayılabilecek muhalefet olgusunun, bugün bile tam anlamıyla Türk siyasetinden yerleştiğini söylemek oldukça zordur. Bununla birlikte Türklerin İslamiyet'i kabul etmesi de muhalefete olan mesafeyi etkileyen bir faktör olmuştur. İslamiyet'te var olan biat kültürünü siyasette, iktidara ve lidere bağlılık veya sadakat şeklinde yorumlamak mümkündür. Dolayısıyla Milli Görüş gibi dini hassasiyetleri ön planda tutan bir hareketin siyaset arenasında iktidara karşı nasıl bir muhalefet sergilediği konusu önem arz etmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Milli Görüş, Necmettin Erbakan, Muhalefet, Demokrasi, İktidar
Seçmen tercihinin belirmesinde lider faktörü: Doğu Karadeniz örneği
Seçimler, bir ülkenin kaderini belirleyen en önemli olaylardan biri olarak görülmektedir. Halkı temsil edenler seçimler aracılığıyla belirlendiği için seçmenlerin bu kaderi değiştirme gücü bulunmaktadır. Seçmenlerin oylarını kullanırken hangi kriterleri göz önünde bulundurduğu ise önemli bir konudur. Liderlik, bir partideki en önemli unsuru teşkil ettiğinden dolayı seçmenlerin siyasi tercihlerinin şekillenmesinde önemli bir etkendir. Lider olabilmek için ise kişinin bir takım özelliklere sahip olması gerekmektedir. Kişisel özellikler, demokratiklik, karizmatiklik ve otoriterlik liderlik faktörleri olarak değerlendirilen unsurlardandır. Liderin bu faktörler çerçevesinde seçmenlerin tercihine yön verebilmesi gerçekleşmektedir. Seçmen tercihine gelinebilmesi için siyasetten, siyasal katılım ve siyasal davranıştan bahsedilmesi gerekmektedir. Sonrasında ise siyasi liderliğe ulaşabilmek için liderlik, liderlik türleri ve yönetici lider ayrımının değerlendirilmesi gerekmektedir. Anahtar Sözcükler: Seçmen Tercihi, Siyasal Katılım, Siyasal Liderlik,Siyasal Partiler,
Diasporaların ana vatan parlamentolarında siyasi temsili: Türkiye örneği
Turkey's diaspora in Europe, constituting around five million citizens, has been central to Turkish domestic politics since the early days of mass labour migration in the 1960s. The Turkish Parliament, as the ultimate representative body, has played a crucial role both in shaping diaspora policies and defining who "the diaspora" is as individual MPs and party groups have placed diaspora-related issues high on the agenda, integrating these issues into various legislative processes. This dissertation looks at the oft-overlooked role of home country parliaments in diaspora engagement by focusing on Turkey and asks how Turkey's diaspora in Europe has been represented in the Turkish Parliament by different political parties and how the forms and substance of such representation evolved over time. The study uses legislative material — plenary and committee speeches, written and oral questions, draft bills, committee reports — on diaspora issues between 1961-2020 as empirical evidence in order to understand the Parliament's role in establishing a diaspora policy and how the image of "the Turkish diaspora" has been continuously produced and reproduced by Turkish politicians. The findings from the study address both continuity and rupture in the Parliament's diaspora engagement history: The continuity occurred in the Turkish politicians' attempts to protect the diaspora from what they considered as (politically) malign and radical. On the other hand, the solution-based approach central to diaspora policy in the early periods transformed gradually into a policy style defined by pre-conceptions. The incumbent parties and their ideologies have been particularly prominent in this transformation.