Theses supervised by Prof. Dr. Feroz Ahmad
17 theses · Yeditepe University
A comparison of the German and Turkish single-party regimes of the 1930s
This dissertation is a comparative analysis of National Socialist and Kemalist single-party regimes in order to find out the similarities and differences between these contemporary ideologies which came to life in inter-war era Europe where authoritarianism was the dominant political system. The study pays particular attention to a special kind of authoritarianism; fascism and its defining characteristics. It further seeks to compare the aforementioned regimes regarding their willingness and tenacity in adopting these characteristics.Keywords: National Socialism, Kemalism, Authoritarianism, Fascism
The social and political economy of the late Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey (1908 – 1939)
Turkish modernization does not align with the endogenous type of modernization in which capitalist economic development plays a central role by triggering and carrying on social and political modernization. On the contrary, it was an exogenous type of modernization carried out by a group of ruling elite via adapting modern social and political institutions to an economically, socially and politically underdeveloped state. Undoubtedly, the time period that begins with the Young Turk Revolution in 1908 and continues up to the inception of World War II in 1939 is the radical progressive epoch of Turkish modernization. This period demonstrates a great deal of continuity of modernization on the basis of nationalist, positivist and secularist ideas despite the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1922 and the establishment of The Turkish Republic in 1923. However, during this period, the majority of the traditional Turkish society, which can also be labelled as a primitive political community, frowned on modernization process as they had no need for highly developed social and political institutions. Therefore, either during the governance of the Committee of Union and Progress or the governance of the Kemalists, modernization attempts were met with resistance arising from society. In some instances, it was experienced that these resistances transformed into counter revolutionary and reactionary rebellions. Hence, the most effective and efficient implementations on the route of economic, social and politic modernization were secured in the statist, mono-party periods when the anti-modernizers were politically restrained. Besides, the economic and social modernization was also accelerated with the intensive state involvement according to the framework of statist social and economic programs. Depending on the historical records, this study argues that the centralist and statist political implementations rather than pluralist and liberal implementations were more effective towards modernization goal in economic, social and political arenas during the period between 1908 and 1939. Also, this study seeks to create a new perspective on the concept of authoritarianism by reinterpreting the statist policies on the way of modernization.
Prime minister Tansu Çiller (1993-1996): Her impact on feminism in Turkey?
Tansu Çiller was the first and only female Prime Minister of the Republic of Turkey. She served as Prime Minister between 1993 and 1996. The 1990s, on the other hand, were marked as an era when feminism was institutionalized in Turkey. In this respect, there is a need to analyze the relationship between Tansu Çiller and women's movement in Turkey. This study is designed to analyze Tansu Çiller's effect on women's movement during her term as prime minister. In other words, the study investigates whether she influenced women's movements in Turkey during her term of service. For this research, Tansu Çiller's statements regarding women during her term of service are scrutinized in addition measuring Tansu Çiller's perception in feminist articles of the term. Selected newspapers were used to access Tansu Çiller's relevant statements for this study. Certain codified words in the selected newspaper articles were used in the analysis of her statements delivered during her term. Articles on Tansu Çiller in feminist periodicals of the period were used as data to access feminist opinions about the prime minister and these articles are analyzed in two categories as positive and negative. From this perspective, the subject and research method of this study are unique. With this research method, the study questions whether: Tansu Çiller contributed to the development of women's movements in Turkey, took interest in women's issues, acted as a leading role model for Turkish women and encouraged them, attempted to make regulations in favor of women, took measures to facilitate women's entry into politics and applied any solution to dismiss regulations preventing women's involvement in the public sphere. The study attempts to reveal the relationship between women's movement and the first female prime minister of Turkey, her perspective towards women's issues and the extent to which she tackled these issues, yielding significant results.
Regional integration in Asia: Analyzing the influence of the hegemon within the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement and its place in the Indo-Pacific strategy of the USA
The post World War Two period has seen the emergence of regional integration and the deepening of these ties all the way to the culmination of single market entities. In the early period of regional integration, the USA (also the hegemon) had played a key role in the formation of such entities while advancing its interests. While such movements had often been attributed to Europe during this period, the past couple of decades has seen similar initiatives in other continents. In light of the rise of significance of the Asian continent in global geopolitics, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) initiative to this effect is an interesting yet understudied case. However, would it still be realistic to assert that the USA plays a crucial role as regards the fate of the TPP or its current culmination of the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP)? This study delves into the historical aspect through the method of process tracing and study the role played by the USA and the methods used to shape the interests of the other actors, while also employing various theories such as realism, liberalism and regionalism (old and new) to offer an explanation as to why an attempt towards the creation of a single market entity had been successful or unsuccessful, specifically in the case of the TPP. It also analyzes it within the framework of a much broader aspect in terms of the USA's Indo-Pacific Strategy and its 'pivot to Asia'. The research concludes that the USA does indeed play a key role and steers the development of the TPP, even after its withdrawal while also drawing attention to regional integration initiatives not being independent of global geopolitical developments. It also finds that realist theories do not conflict with the essential notions of theories of regionalism that have emerged in relatively more recent times. This study hopes to hold light to similar studies (especially within the context of the TPP, a topic lacking much previous research), underscoring the extant significance of the USA in regional integration initiatives, in spite of an increasing amount of views that may suggest otherwise.
The republic of Turkey's political life and the changes on its political culture after 1980
The Turkish Republic was founded in 1923 by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. He thenbecame the first president and started a process of changes in the country in orderto unlink it from the heritage of the Ottoman Empire. After his death in 1938, hewas replaced by Ismet İnönü in the presidency. But in 1946 and 1950 the Turkishpeople had the chance to choose their representatives in a multi-party system.The Turkish electorate began to show a preference for center-right parties, apreference that would last until the beginning of the 1990?s. Three times werewhen the order was not being assured in the country that the military intervenedthrough coups: 1960, 1971 and 1980. The one from 1960, through its liberalconstitution, started a process of political fragmentation and restored the multipartysystem in the country; the one in 1971 banned parties that were considereddangerous for the state and promoted some amendments in the constitution inorder to make it stricter; and the one in 1980 was considered the strictest one,since it banned all the political parties and wished to de-politicize the populationand avoid a new party fragmentation through a completely new constitution. Eventhough several new parties emerged in the 1980?s, the population seemed to stillsupport the center-right parties. But the 1990?s showed a new reality in thecountry?s political culture: the population started to move towards the extremeright,supporting parties with nationalist and Islamist programs.
Germany, the Ottoman Empire and the Armenian question
The issue of the Armenian community's relocation of the Ottoman Empire during World War I is still being discussed today among academicians, politicians and even among parliaments of several states. A consensus could not be reached on the intent of the responsible party in passing of the relocation law without establishing any doubt. Although the views of some German generals in the Ottoman army during the war were taken into consideration, it is assumed by wide circles of the academic world that it was the Ottoman state who passed this law. The role of the German government and the German military command has not been deeply analyzed up to now. An analysis of the Armenian question which emerged at the end of the nineteenth century cannot be done without looking into the role of Germany since the German military command took over of the planning of every aspect of the war in the Ottoman Empire. In this thesis, I examined the issue from this angle and tried to analyze the German role as well as their intent in issuing this law since Germany was the main ally of the Ottoman Empire in the First World War. I mainly used German archives and German primary documents in my research. I collected materials from German military, foreign and state archives and concluded that the German military command, as well as the government, had an extensive role in the passing of the relocation law since the nationalistic Armenians were considered to be dangerous elements in the German military planning and its doctrine.
Hüseyin Cahid: A reluctant unionist 1908-1918
In the 20th century Ottoman Empire became the cradle of concepts that were alienated to its public by Abdulhamid II such as constitution, liberty and constitutional monarchy. In July 1908 the Young Turks achieved to force their archenemy Sultan Abdulhamid II to restore 1876 Constitution and a new era began for the Ottoman Empire. The heroes of constitution, the Union and Progress assumed the role of vanguards of the new regime. The hopes of the Young Turks were devastated as the constitution turned out to be not a magical instrument besides the Ottoman Empire entered an era of political turmoil because of weak international and internal conditions. The new era started with shocks, the loss of Bulgaria and Bosnia-Herzegovina and continued with the loss of Tripoli and Balkans. Internal politics were no better, 31 March Incident, short-term governments and division among the Young Turks weakened the already weak Ottoman Empire. In such conditions the Union and Progress decorated itself with the role of a savior and claimed to have the formula to revive the crumbling Ottoman Empire. Within its ranks there were many intellectual and sincere patriots dedicated themselves to the ideals of the Union and Progress. Huseyin Cahid, a man of literature who became a parliamentarian and a journalist, emerged as a significant figure in this era, thanks to his newspaper Tanin. Huseyin Cahid was recognized as the spokesperson of the Union and Progress, however the thesis studied him from a different perspective, not as a dedicated but a reluctant Unionist. Even as a member of the Union and Progress, Huseyin Cahid did not hesitate criticizing his own political party and the Association of Union and Progress publicly. His critiques, dissatisfaction and reluctance resulted with his coercive or persuasive pacification. Key words: The Second Constitutional era, Sultan Abdulhamid II, Huseyin Cahid, the Association and the Political Party of Union and Progress, 31 March Incident, reluctant Unionist.
Süleyman Demirel: bir siyasi biyografi
With two military coups, numerous coalitions, seven premierships and later presidency, Süleyman Demirel (1924–2015) was one of the most prominent figures of Turkish politics. The aim of this study is to examine Demirel's life within the framework of pragmatism in order to provide a better understanding of his political career, choices and preferences. The study argues that Demirel's life can be identified with an ongoing tension between principled action and pragmatism, where the latter dominated his stance in politics. It relies on the biographical method because it constitutes a different approach in the field of political science and provides an alternative reading of Turkish politics. Rather than being a sheer chronological work, the study represents Turkish political history via 'his story' and aims to encourage the reader to think out of the box.
A study on Turkish modernization and Kemalism: The life, times and thoughts of Niyazi Berkes
Niyazi Berkes (1908-1988) was among the most prominent figures in Turkish political thought in the Republican period. He was the author of several masterpieces, which broke fresh ground in the field of Turkish politics and history. He has a very significant place in the history of Turkish political thought thanks to his voluminous work on the social, political and economic structures of Turkey. Besides that, he not only witnessed but also became a part of Turkish political history on several occasions during his long life, which began in Cyprus in 1908 and ended in Britain in 1988. In fact, the Young Turk Revolution (1908), the War of Independence (1919-1922), the reforms of Kemal Atatürk (1923-1938), the construction of a Kemalist ideology and its transformation during the Second World War (1939-1944), and the Cold War (1945-1989) are some elements of Turkish history that were a part of his life story. Therefore, Niyazi Berkes?s political and intellectual biography stands as a vantage point for researchers whose aim is not only to study Turkish political thought but also to examine the interplay between political history and biography. In line with this idea, this work focuses both on the works and thoughts of Niyazi Berkes and on his life and times. This work, there-fore, analyzes Niyazi Berkes?s biography with respect to the social and political history of Turkey. Moreover, the thoughts of Berkes are studied within the context of Turkish political thought and the transformation of the Kemalist ideology.
Türkiye'de sosyal demokrasinin tarihi
Social democracy is a movement and ideology that has undergone various changes in many countries since its first ideological origins emerged 150 years ago and has created change by having social, political and cultural impacts on societies. From a sociological point of view, there must be a need and necessity in a society for the emergence of an ideology or movement. Due to various developments, a movement or ideology emerged as an answer or solution to the situation or problems faced by society and shaped in accordance with the spirit of the time. This is exactly how the concept of social democracy emerged. A need for a movement and ideology emerged after the bourgeoisie revolutions took place and this paved the way for the industrial revolution, as well as the reflection of liberal thought on societies and the difficulties experienced by people who made their living with their labor as a result of the industrial revolution. Inspired by socialism and Marxism, the main motive that constituted this new understanding emerging and interpreted in many different countries by various schools, has been to seek answers to the question of how to address the economic inequality that emerged as a result of the Industrial Revolution. Contrary to its ideological origins, this new movement (social democracy) that avoids confrontation with the capitalist system or bourgeoisie and seeks solutions to problems instead of causing conflicts, has also set out to seek solutions to the economic, social, cultural and political problems in society. The main objective is an ideology to ensure more equal distribution of the earnings of liberal economic system by eliminating not only the economic negativities of the working class but also all negative developments against the working class. In Europe, several understandings developed in the United Kingdom, Germany and Sweden under different circumstances, and social democracy has renewed and changed itself periodically in response to every problem society has experienced. When looking at Turkish territory, the signs of the first social democratic thinking can be seen during the Tanzimat Reform Era. The most evident difference of Turkey in this issue is that although there was no social demand in the early republic period, social democracy entered the life of Turkish society together with the Kemalist thought. Although it was not parallel to that in Europe since the Industrial Revolution did not take place in Turkey, social democracy has developed and changed in a different way according to both politicians and social needs in Turkey. This doctoral dissertation will analyze how the concept of social democracy emerged in the world as well as how it emerged and developed in Turkey. In addition, answers will be sought for the following questions: Does the development of social democracy in Turkey show parallelism with Europe? How many times has social democracy transformed in Turkey? Keywords: Social Democracy, Social Democracy in Turkey, Social Democracy in Europe
The myth of political Islam in Turkey
This dissertation investigates Turkey's political history with its main focus on the formation and evolution of the phenomenon commonly called political Islam. Through a careful analysis of the processes underpinning this phenomenon, this study challenges dominant representations of political Islam in the country in an attempt to redefine the concept. While the literature commonly presents political Islam within a centre vs. the periphery dichotomy, as a movement of the indigenous faithful against the Westernized oppressors, and suggests a genuine cultural dilemma, this dissertation aims to provide an alternative reading of this very complex phenomenon in modern Turkey. This study contends that political Islam is not a faith-driven phenomenon or a new political movement than an unintended outcome of the secular elite decisions and choices. It is a symptom of a failure that originally occurred in the rural segments of the population which have been deprived of their socio-economic and cultural opportunities for short-term political gains. Hence, departing from the debates focusing on moral arguments and reaction to modernization, this dissertation proposes an account of the socio-economic and developmental setting that can help to comprehend the formation and evolution of political Islam in the country. It stresses the importance of the actual historical context, and the true motives of the political Islamists, for a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon. The Turkish case suggests that political Islam is decisively linked to various decision-makings and policy choices by the secular state actors. Following the introduction of the multi-party system, political responses to various emerging challenges provided a fertile ground where political Islam with its anti-secular discourse could find a foothold and advance. At different times, political party rivalry, the perception of a communist threat, and the impact of globalization on the spheres of finance and culture constituted the core elements in the politicization and instrumentalization of religion. In investigating this process, this dissertation also brings the perception of the political Islam as a means of democratization, and the concept of democratization into question.
Liberal opposition in Turkish political life in the late Ottoman empire and the role of Prince Sabahattin
The milestone reforms of the Ottoman Empire are the Tanzimat, the First and Second Constitutions. The Tanzimat Charter made Ottomanism the dominant ideology, paved the way for secularisation and led to the cultivation of an illuminated youth idealizing the concepts of equal citizenship, freedom and constitution. Consequently, it both contributed to the intellectual accumulation of the Ottoman intelligentsia and formed the basis of their political opposition. The first intellectual opposition, Young Ottomans, were the pioneers of the process concluding with the declaration of Kanun-i Esasi. Young Turks' struggle for the restoration of the suspended constitution, resulted in the declaration of the Second Constitution in 1908. The main objective of Young Turks fighting against Abdülhamit's absolutism, was the reestablishment of the constitutional monarchy. Once this was achieved, former divisions reappeared within the movement. This time, other Young Turks began to oppose the vanguard of the revolution, the Committee of Union which had now become the dominant and despotic power. The most influential figure among the opponents was undoubtedly, Prince Sabahattin, the sultan's nephew and ardent opponent, who also inspired other CUP opponents. The aim of this study is to analyze Sabahattin, always a subject of political polarization in Turkish political literature, objectively, to determine the intellectual foundations of his opposition and to interrogate the scientific basis and applicability of the social reforms he defended. Other opponent parties discussed in connection with Sabahattin's views has helped us determine the liberal positioning in that period. Key Words: Liberalism, Tanzimat Period, Kanun-i Esasi, The Second Constitution, Prince Sabahattin, Committee of Union and Progress, Decentralisation, Private Enterprise
Celal Bayar, the life of a politician and statesman
Celal Bayar (1883- 1986) was a politician and statesman who lived through absolutism, constitutionalism and the Republican era. He was born in the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II and died when Turgut Özal was Prime Minister of Turkey. Although there are valuable academic studies on Bayar, his life remains a subject worthy of further examination. This thesis is conducted as a biographical study accompanied by an appropriate research question. One of the study's aims is to objectively detail the ebb and flow of the life of a politician against the political and economic situation in the country at that time. The subject is Celal Bayar but the background is also carefully examined. At the same time, this thesis' main aim is to examine Celal Bayar's behaviour within the framework of the concepts of idealism and pragmatism and consider which approach he followed throughout his political life.Information obtained from the studies suggests Bayar acted pragmatically during the DP term between 1946 and 1960. For the rest of his life, however, although he sometimes behaved pragmatically there are many occasions in which he evaluated events within the concept of idealism: in the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), Atatürk term, and Yassıada trials for example. Overall this thesis shows us Bayar's political life comprises characteristics of both idealism and pragmatism and he thus cannot be described as either a complete idealist or a total pragmatist. Keywords: Celal Bayar, idealism, pragmatism, biography, Turkey, CUP, Democrat Party
Türk siyasal hayatında bir İslamcı aydın: Necip Fazıl Kısakürek'in entelektüel ve siyasi biyografisi (1904-1983)
Necip Fazıl Kısakürek is one of the most important intellectuals of Turkish political and thought life. With his tens of books and the Büyük Doğu Journal he published at intervals between the years 1943-1978, he had an important place in Turkish thought life. Besides, he was one of the prominent initiators of the revival of Islamism in Modern Turkey. The aim of this study is to present meaningful findings about the development of Islamic thought in post-Republic Turkish political life by examining the intellectual and political life of Kısakürek. Since the study is conducted through the biography method, an alternative reading for the Turkish Political Life is also presented. This study argues that Kısakürek was a modernist Islamist who aimed at total transformation of state and society structure according to the Büyük Doğu ideology which he designed as an alternative modernization project to Kemalism by taking Islamic principles as the reference point. In that regard, Kısakürek's Büyük Doğu ideology is analyzed in the light of Eisenstadt and Göle's works on 'Non-Western modernity' concept and it is tried to be explained that Büyük Doğu is an ideology of which capacity of achieving a conceivable and realizable state and society structure is low.
The rise and decline of center right parties in Turkey
Political parties have always played a significant place in world politics as well as country politics ever since the transition to democracy. Political parties have been deployed according to developments and changing movements in world politics, as their internal politics are shaped in conformity to these relevant movements in world. As there are new political parties emerging with the influence of ideological movements, it has recently been observed that many already existing parties have gone through a process of transformation and started to develop policies that are pretty much in parallel to ideologies preponderating world politics. While world politics and ideologies dominating the world are significant factors affecting features of political parties, another noteworthy factor is political culture of citizens in a given country. Political culture is one of the most important factors shaped according to behaviors of political parties, electorate and candidates in a country and it has a major influence on political parties. As a result of political culture citizens of a country develop with the effect of the geography, political parties are often required to define themselves in accordance with that political culture. Consequently, political parties emerge or transform with common features pertaining to political culture of the relevant country, developments in world politics and accepted ideology. Center right parties have emerged as a result of an intersection of these three factors, as well. Although center right parties exhibit common features, their features are variable and depend on a given country. The aim of this dissertation is to explore the general features of center right parties. Along with this, answers will be sought for the following questions: What are the features of center right parties in Turkey? How center right parties have developed in Turkey? Which parties in the Grand Turkish National Assembly identifying themselves as center right exhibit features of center right parties, indeed? What is the time range for the rise and collapse of center right parties in Turkey? Key words: Center Right, Turkish Political Life, Political Parties, Center Right Parties in Turkey
Tensions in American-Turkish relations during World War II
In this study, an effort has been made to question the conventional wisdom of the United States not having a foreign policy vis-à-vis Turkey, which was independent of that of Britain's during the World War Two years. Not only will this thesis set out to prove that the United States had an independent foreign policy toward Turkey during those years but it will show why that was so. It is the contention of this thesis that The United States followed an Open Door Policy after its first acquisition of Spain's colonies following its victory in the Spanish-American War in 1898. It also started to apply that policy toward the Ottoman Empire the same year as the first Open Door note in 1899. It also very much followed that policy during World War Two, albeit under extraordinary circumstances. It was able to do that by passing the Lend-Lease Act on March 11th, 1941. That act provided a boom for American exports and increasing the dependence of Allied countries on the American economy. That was not entirely true for neutral Turkey because of its economic relationship with Germany. However, once Turkey cut its economic and diplomatic ties with Germany during the course of 1944, it was left with only one realistic option for rebuilding its economy in lieu of a possible state-managed autarkic drive: sovereignty-eroding United States economic assistance. The Lend-Lease program and the commensurate increase in trade, the collapse and defeat of the Nazis, and American political pressure would pave the way for Turkey eventually opening up its economy following the war. It started to liberalize its economy in 1946 and was finally integrated into an American-dominated global economic order with the first receipt of Marshall Plan Aid in 1948. The final American drive to successfully apply the Open Door economic policy to Turkey, after approximately forty years of mostly unsuccessful efforts, unquestionably had its start during the World War Two years.
An analysis of John Gray's political thought
This thesis will center on John Gray?s political and philosophical thought. Gray is one of the most controversial public intellectuals alive today. His works have served as nothing less than an intellectual demolition job that has shaken the foundational assumptions of modern Western civilization. His scathing attacks on the Enlightenment, monotheism, the notion of `progress?, globalization and modern ideologies across the political spectrum, from Marxism to free market capitalism, have incited heated debates in academia and beyond. His characterization of humanity as a species of deluded and rapacious primates who are very likely headed towards self-destruction has caused some to dismiss him as a nihilistic and misanthropic pessimist. However, the purpose of this thesis is not to engage in the polemics that have been aroused by Gray?s ideas. Rather, it will seek to further enliven the debate by focusing more intensely on Gray?s bleak view of the future. It will probe the political, social and economic processes cited by Gray as the underlying dynamics of this predicament. And finally, it will seek to test possible solutions to the grim prospects identified by him. In so doing, the thesis will attempt to show that John Gray?s assertions have been overly cynical in some areas and (surprisingly), not cynical enough in others.