Sınıf ve etnisite kimliği

In this master thesis, the methods of construction and reproduction of the relationship between ethnicity and class based on the case of Patriotic Laborers (Yurtsever Emekçiler)/Democratic Labor Platform (Demokratik Emek Platformu- DEMEP) mostly organized in trade unions, especially public trade unions. We aspire to problematize the processes active in the construction of ethnic and class identity in Kurdish politics. In the thesis, the variability of this relationship according to different contexts and economical and political changes is explicated. Within this perspective, the historical, organizational and ideological development of YE/DEMEP from 1990 to 2011, its relations with Kurdish movement and Turkish left are being investigated using qualitative research methods. In the first chapter, methods for integrating ethnicity and class in the literature developed in the USA, Europe and Turkey are being analyzed. Firstly, literature developed in the USA and Europe is being surveyed. There, class and ethnicity have started to be correlated only in the aftermath of the Second World War under the influence of political and economic developments and emergence of theoretical criticisms as postmodernism and feminism. However, this relation is mostly constituted through immigrants coming from foreign countries, especially the old colonies. Such researches predominantly bring out discrimination, the problems of integration and unfavorable working conditions. However, in the majority of these studies, ethnic groups within working class organizations or social class relations within an ethnic movement aren't being scrutinized. In the second part of the first chapter, limited number of studies on Kurdish workers is scanned after dwelling on the development of Kurdish studies with respect to Kurdish workers. It is being criticized that such studies research on Kurdish workers in Kurdish regions only after they migrate to Western regions. In the second part, emphasize is put on interrelating ethnicity and class regarding YE/DEMEP cadres, making use of qualitative research methods. In the first part, the foundation process of Yurtsever Emekçiler is evaluated in its relation to the shift in the content of Kurdish problem and the emergence of public officers' movement in 1980s and 1990s. Yurtsever Emekçiler is established by Kurdish trade unionists having participated in the foundation of public officers' trade unions sympathizing with the Kurdish movement or having already been active in it. Therefore, Yurtsever Emekçiler was born and developed in the intersection of these two movements. From then on, the trade union became a means to relate ethnicity and class and be in contact and solidarity with the Turkish left having an internationalist approach. In that period, the founders of Patriotic Laborers explained Kurdish problem via class antagonism as it is defined by Marxism. Its foundation process also coincides with a period of intensified contra guerilla assaults against Kurdish politicians who have been in struggle via democratic means. Some of the XIII founders, especially including the leaders (Hamit Pamuk, Necati Aydın etc.) then became victims of murders by unknown assailants. In the second part of the second chapter, activities of DEMEP are investigated with respect to the change in the social structure of Kurdish population in 2000s, the strategic, ideological and political transformation of Kurdish movement; shift on state oppression methods addressing trade unionist. In this respect, Democratic Communitarian Trade Unionism (Demokratik Toplumcu Sendikacılık- DTS) approach having been developed by DEMEP cadres to overcome the crisis in trade union movement and adapt themselves to changes within the Kurdish movement is being examined. With the help of DTS, DEMEP have developed a new conception of unity between ethnicity and class struggles; adopted a stance against nationalism and reductionism and theoretically rejected any hierarchy between the two struggles. However, practically, DEMEP cadres envisaged a hierarchy between the two struggles. On the other hand, there is a preference for the concept of "democracy" also in line with the priorities of the contemporary Kurdish movement over the concept of "patriotism" alluding to nationalism. Meanwhile, instead of the concept of class which was previously highly frequently used, the concept of labor was preferred referring to labor in all social relations and thus being more overarching. Therefore, social class relations within the ethnic movement were denied and activists having different social classes were equalized in the process of struggle. In our study, social differentiation amongst the Kurdish laborers is also discussed. Public officer lifestyle created a new form of life resulting in division (clivage) amongst Kurdish workers, especially amongst those working under precarious conditions whose number mounted up day by day as a result of neoliberal policies. Lastly, the relationship between the Turkish left and YE/DEMEP is being analyzed. Here, it has been observed that YE/DEMEP has developed a holistic representational image of Turkish left (une image unique représentative) which amounts to its organizational and ideological "maladies." DEMEP explains its raison d'être and ideological and organizational problems based on a critic of this image. Keywords: ethnicity, class, Kurdish movement