Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi Gençlik Kolları'nda toplumsal cinsiyet ilişkilerinin yeniden üretimi

This research aims to understand whether the two important district branches of the youth section of Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People's Party), or in its abbreviated form, CHP namely the branches of Bakırköy and Üsküdar, have a structure and functioning that is respectful and sensitive to gender equality and to explain different dimensions of the character of the reproduction of gender relations among the members of these. The initial question above is firstly the result of the general numerical under-representation of women in the whole party and in its youth section of Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, but this numerical under-representation is only one dimension of the problem. We know that the problem of gender inequality is a very complicated one and it has various dimensions. For our research, these various dimensions of the problem of the subject are the sexual division of tasks among these young party members, their discourses on crucial issues such as gender equality, feminism, the LGBTİQ+ movement, the sex quota, the women's branch of their party and the weight of actions, activities, seminars, panels, etc. regarding the question of gender equality. The research consists of a theoretical-historical part and an analysis of the fieldwork but we presented some theoretical and historical information which we consider complementary and descriptive of the field data within the frame of the second main part. This information consists of subparts examining the historical and ideological evolution of gender inequality in the political parties of the Western world and Turkey and a subpart examining the evolution of "conflictual" relations between left parties (Marxists, socialists, social democrats and other left political parties) in the Western world and in Turkey. The importance of the historical evolution of these relations for our research results from the heritage of the left parties which Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi and therefore the youth section of this party get their share. Even if the ideological identity of Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi and its political / ideological relationships with the left ideology and political parties are often the subject of debate and controversy and even if the context in which relations between the left movement and the feminist movement of the last century were knotted and the context of today in which the anti-feminism of the members of the youth section of Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi are completely different, it is clear that Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, a political party that has been a member of the Socialist International since 1976 and which defines itself as a "democratic left political party", had its share of the ideological heritage of this left movement. At the beginning of our theoretical-historical framework, while considering the role of the gender issue, we tried to examine the general history and evolution of youth sections within political parties in Europe and elsewhere in the world. The lack of systematic, general and in-depth historical researches on these organizations has limited us to a certain extent with European countries and with certain periods of the twentieth century. While researching the history of youth sections within political parties founded in republican Turkey, we had to overcome similar difficulties and obstacles. In order to overcome these, we concentrated on the evolution of organizations which have had some importance and effect on their party's history and on Turkish political sphere since the foundation of the republic. At the end of the theoretical and historical part, we tried to make a rereading of the history of our research object, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi and its youth section. In our opinion, the importance of rereading the history of this political party and its youth section by paying attention to gender issue stems from the historical, political and ideological roles assumed by Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi. One of the most important missions that this political party assumed under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and at least until the end of the one-party regime (until the elections in 1950) was to ensure equality between women and men by emancipating women from the pressure of traditions and by offering them opportunities to take their place in the public sphere. Indeed, following the modernizing revolutions carried out by the government of Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi as the free basic education right in 1923, the adoption of the Civil Code (Medeni Kanun) in 1926, political rights (the rights of voting and being elected) in 1930 and 1934, women gained considerable political and civil rights and began to play much larger roles than before in the public sphere. In addition, the number of female deputies (18) entered the National Assembly constituted in 1935 was only reached relatively recently. The case of Kadınlar Halk Fırkası (People's Party of Women), which is the first political party of the history of republican Turkey, and Türk Kadınlar Birliği (The Union of Turkish Women) is exemplary since it shows us clearly the true character and the limits of the party's perception of equality between women and men. In the process of the closure of Türk Kadınlar Birliği which was founded after the closure of Kadınlar Halk Fırkası, as well as the illusion of the women's movement grouped around this union that the cause of the movement was achieved through the acquisition of political rights in 1930 and 1934, political pressures from Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi who did not want an independent women's movement to develop also played a considerable role. Since that time, even if Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi has continued and still continues to be a political party which defends the equality between women and men as one of its "basic principles" discursively, except the application of the sex quota (33%), it does not implement any other application or any concrete solution aimed at "gender parity", a concrete, "formal equality" within its various decision-making bodies. At this point, the objective of this research becomes concrete: We tried to understand if the members of youth section were able to build a structure and a functioning that are respectful and sensitive to gender equality and therefore whether they challenge the "gender-blindness" of their party elders. In order to answer these questions, we realized some preliminary observations at various district branches of the youth section by participating in various activities and meetings of these branches. Following these observations, we decided to carry out a comparative research and build our research object by two district branches in Istanbul, the branches of Bakırköy and Üsküdar. We conducted 19 semi-structured interviews with 19 men and women aged 20 to 28. The results of our research indicate that the youth section of Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, in two examples of its district branches, does not have a structure and functioning that is sensitive and respectful of gender equality. In this sense, the members of these two branches do not consistently challenge the "gender-blindness" of their party elders. First of all, there is a gap between the egalitarian discourse about relations between them and also general social relations between men and women and their "gender-blindness" manifested in different forms in their discourse and their ordinary activities. In practical terms, gender equality between the members of two branches appears in the processes of sexual division of tasks. On the one hand, mainly through the use of the argument of the "natural difference of physical force" between men and women, male members take on tasks requiring "physical force"; on the other hand, women are assigned to tasks that are related to the attributes attached to women by society such as sensitivity, communication skills, dedication, etc. These roles generally consist of "social policies" and issues relating to women and children, violence against women, sexual abuse, etc. In certain discourses by the male administrators of two branches in the context of their opinions concerning the female administrators and members, it appears that the "subject" of the political domain is men and women are rather the "dedicated assistants" of men. In addition, it is seen that women are sometimes "instrumentalized" during activities taking place in public sphere as "symbols" of the democratic level of the party in order to draw an egalitarian "image" or else in order to better construct the structure of organization by taking advantage of the "devoted" work of women. It has been noted that the weight of activities concerning gender equality such as some kind of internal education programs in the context of "political schools" of the party, seminars, panels, etc. to draw attention to gender inequality is quite weak. This means that actions-activities which aim to increase the sensitivity of the members of the organization or to find probable solutions to the problem of gender inequality are never a priority for both branches. Another dimension that reflects the "gender-blindness" of members of the two branches is their perception of feminism and the feminist movement. Here, there is a lack of knowledge that reproduces an opinion with a prejudice against feminism and the feminist movement, even a certain form of anti-feminism. According to this opinion, the feminism of "today" and / or the "feminists of today" represent a "male hostility", a "misandry" and this indicates a deviation from the initial values of feminism such as equality, the demand for freedom for women, etc.