Theses supervised by Prof. Dr. Alev Erkilet
15 theses · Ibn Haldun University, Düzce University
Soft power of Turkey and non-governmental organizations: The case of IDDEF
Ismailaga is a religious community implementing faith-based activities at the domestic and international levels with the instrument of an NGO, IDDEF. IDDEF (The Federation of Organizations that Value Humanity) is one of the NGOs of Ismailaga conducting educational and humanitarian aid activities with the religious spirit of Sufism at the international level, chiefly in African and Asian countries. This study first explores the values of Ismailaga in creating a civil society and analyzes IDDEF's international activities affecting Turkey's diplomatic relations in the context of soft power. In this thesis, the conceptual and theoretical framework related to community, identity, and civil society is emphasized, and qualitative research is carried out using participant observation, in-depth, semi-structured interviews, and a literature review. The study describes the values and mentality of the Ismailaga community, which forms the center of IDDEF's activities, and analyzes IDDEF's international education and humanitarian aid activities based on religious, Sufistic, and ahlusunnah (orthodox) values, revealing how it affects Turkish foreign policy in the context of soft power.
Ebu'l Kelam Azad ve Mahatma Gandhi'nin dini düşüncelerinin Hindistan'da başlatılan sivil itaatsizlik eylemlerine etkileri
Dini düşünceler ve inanışlar, toplumsal değişim ve dönüşüm süreçleri üzerinde önemli bir role sahiptir. İnsanların kültürel değerleri, ahlaki ilkeleri ve siyasi düşünceleri üzerinde derin etkiler bırakan dini düşünceler ve inanışlar, toplumsal hareketler ve ortaya konulan eylem modelleri üzerinde de önemli bir etkiye sahip olmuştur. Nitekim dini motivasyonla başlatılan toplumsal hareketler, ortaya konulan eylemlere aşkın bir hüviyet kazandırarak hareket üyeleri arasındaki bağların da güçlenmesine sebebiyet vermektedir. Bu durum neticesinde ise gerçekleştirilen eylemler normalden daha güçlü kılınarak hareketin başarıya ulaşma şansı da artmış olur. Bu çalışmada, Hindistan'ın bağımsızlık mücadelesinin önde gelen iki ismi olan Ebu'l Kelam Azad ile Mahatma Gandhi'nin dini düşüncelerinin ortaya koymuş oldukları toplumsal hareketlere sivil itaatsizlik eylemlerine etkisi incelenecektir. Bu doğrultuda, çalışmada evvela toplumsal hareketler ve sivil itaatsizlik literatürü değerlendirilecek olup, meselenin teorik arka planına yer verilecektir. Ardından ise Ebu'l Kelam Azad ile Mahatma Gandhi'nin hayatı, dini ve siyasi düşüncelerin gerçekleştirdikleri eylem modelleriyle paralel bir şekilde incelenecektir. Son olarak ikilinin başlatmış oldukları toplumsal hareketler ve bu hareketlerin bir eylem modeli olan sivil itaatsizliğin günümüze etkileri ve bıraktıkları miras değerlendirilecektir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Ebu'l Kelam Azad, Mahatma Gandhi, Hindistan, sivil itaatsizlik, toplumsal hareketler
Discursive tradition(s) as iconoclasm; the falsification of history and the emergence of oppositional Muslims in India
This thesis is based on how the (re)construction of history plays a significant role in the formation of the national 'spirit'. The (re)creation of history plays an essential role in the conceptualisation of a common primordial variable, which further helps in justifying or making up for the loss of spiritual authority in the modern nation-state. This (re)creation is an alarmingly common phenomenon in almost every modern nation-state, wherein certain instances of indigenous conflicts are taken up as proof to define a nation's historical continuity. This process ignores the epistemology of such historical events. Then, it frames them into the longue durée of a nation's history, which helps justify the primordial existence of the same. History's homogeneous (re)construction serves as the foundation of the modern nation-state building process, as the nation-state finds it incumbent to identify the 'them' to crystalise the 'us'. This thesis discusses this issue about the Indian Muslims, who, due to the British colonial histography, have been placed into the 'them' category. Presently, Indian Indian-Muslims are divided into various Islamic traditions that have come into existence due to diverse historical hermeneutical engagements with Islamic texts. In addition, this leads to a hermeneutical heterogeneity among them, and as a result, the Islamic traditions remain largely stratified. This thesis focuses on two such Islamic traditions: Ahl-e Sunnat and the Deobandi movement. The rising Hindutva (Hindu nationalism) among the Indian Hindus greatly consolidates and justifies itself through British colonial historiography, which has always presented Muslims as being inherently iconoclastic. Employing the empirical data obtained from an ethnographic study involving 21 participants, I argue that several new phenomena have emerged among young Indian-Muslims, including what we call the Pajāma -wearing Protestants and "oppositional Muslims." Keywords: Indian-Muslims, Indian-Hindus, Nation-State, Oppositional Muslims, Pajāma-wearing Protestants, (Re)creation of History, Spiritual Authority.
Hunger and the help: A case study of rizq as a civil society organisation in urban Pakistan
The research aims to explore and evaluate the efficacy of grassroots social movements in battling food insecurity amongst the urban poor in Pakistan. By using Ribot and Peluso's Theory of Access (2003), Symbolic interactionism, and Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT), a theoretical framework was established to study the role of a non-profit organization, Rizq, in battling food insecurity and hunger. By employing the use of in-depth interviews and participant observation, Rizq was analyzed as a case study in its efficacy in mitigating food insecurity and hunger by a two-pronged approach: the role of Rizq in the provision of food and the effect it had on the beneficiaries. The result of the study showed that Rizq was successful in mitigating hunger and food insecurity. However, the results were short-term. Further research is needed in urban poverty to understand the issue of food security as a multidisciplinary phenomenon and strive toward possible local solutions.
Clans and comrades: exploring the religious and secular contours of socialist Somalia
The traditional secularization theory, a key principle in modernization discussions, has often been seen as a universal model for global societies. However, this model has not only been a challenge to apply in the study of traditional African societies where religion plays a central role in the fabric of society and governance. Bearing this discussion in mind, this study examines an oft-neglected sociological angle in the study of Somalia's nation-building story: the secular formations of the post-independence socialist government and its role in the nation-building and socio-cultural transformations of Somalia from a tribal society to a state. Through a qualitative content analysis of primary and secondary data, this research explores the lived experiences of diasporic Somalis who were living in the newly born nation-state and their understanding of identity and religion in a rapidly changing society. This study suggests that by questioning the religious versus secular binary and adopting more multifaceted conceptualizations of secularism, statecraft, power and religion, alternative approaches to studying secularism in Somalia are not only possible but necessary. It finds that secularism, as a form of governance, established itself as a questioning power. Rather than establishing norms, it set itself to question and deconstruct what was already normative in society regarding identity, traditional social/cultural, and religious practice. The consequence of this paradoxical questioning was religion transformed into an object of politics and the creation of state-sanctioned religious vernacular. Keywords: Islam, Nation-State Building, Religious Imagination, Secularism, Socialism, Somalia.
The influence of international schools' Western culture on Egyptian Muslim student identity
This study examines the influence of the international education system on Egyptian Muslim student particularly in terms of their religious identity. Studying in international schools that provide English-medium education is an increasingly prevalent aspiration in Egypt in recent years. This study examines the relationship between the identity development process and such schools' Western culture. To be able to examine the question empirically, I have conducted fieldwork using in-depth interviews and participant observation. 31 participants were included in this study— parents, teachers, and students who were attending different international schools. The data I obtained indicates that identity dynamically interacts with education and culture. The subculture of international schools is found to be heavily influenced by Western culture. The limited exposure of students to their local culture, compared to the Westernized one they are exposed to at school, results in alienation from their local culture. Such alienation was found to hinder students' identity development process as well as the formation of their religious identity. In fact, as I demonstrate in this thesis, students struggle to maintain their local identity. The literature suggests that students' experience of excessive exposure to such schools' Western culture and use of English language significantly more than Arabic language, combined with limited exposure to Islamic education has led to a significant dysfunction in their religious identity formation process. Hence, their identity as Muslims is found to be unstable.
Women narratives in Hakkari between the militarist and state feminism
The study examines the politics of women's bodies as Kurdish women practice them in Hakkari. Kurdish women's security worries, the Turkish women's movement's advancement within the framework of state feminism, and their precarious position between the Turkish feminist movement and the Kurdish women's movement are all covered. From a militarist feminist standpoint, it also examines why Kurdish women are not fully represented in the Kurdish women's movement. Additionally, the study exposes the masculine dominance in women's body politics and the nationalist mentalities within the Kurdish and Turkish women's movements while also critiquing the representational aspect of jineolojî, the central claim of the Kurdish women's movement. Moreover, women's conceptions of freedom are sacrificed and reified in the face of masculine policies, as demonstrated by the interviewees' testimonies and a thorough literature review. The way that gender-discriminated women are forced into subservient and "other" roles to serve masculine political objectives is examined in the framework of militarist and state feminism. It also highlights how ideas like Kurdish fighters and village guards are used to influence the bodily performances of Kurdish women. The study's central thesis contends that feminist discussions must be recreated and that women's status in Hakkari within the so-called feminist or women's movements was created under political aims. Keywords: Jineolojî, Kurdish Women's Body Politics, Militarist Feminism, Patriarchal Politics, State Feminism.
Mekânin üretimini ve göçü yeniden düşünmek: İstanbul Fatih ı̇lçesi örneği
Istanbul's Fatih district has rapidly transformed since the Syrian refugees started to settle as new dwellers following the forced migration flow due to the 2011 Syrian civil war. Since their collective settlements have accelerated and there has been a noticeable increase in the number of Syrian cafes, restaurants, and small businesses in the Fatih's spaces along with a number of local residents from Turkey have moved out of Fatih for new emerging urban spaces such as Basaksehir district, Fatih district has correspondingly changed its spatial relations and embedded new social and cultural parameters. As this indicates that the district is a significant constitutive and constructed phenomenon, the production of space emerges as a key analytical inquiry. This thesis focuses on this question by conducting ethnographic research. By doing so, it aims to elucidate how broader socio-political agencies intersect with micro-level local dynamics to shape the urban experience for both existing residents and newcomers. Therefore, the study aims to unveil the question of how the socio-cultural urban settings of Fatih have been produced and reproduced by existing residents and new inhabitants. This entails deciphering the multi-layered process of space production, which is constructed upon the interplay of macro and micro-level dynamics. By examining the affinitive interactions between various actors within the urban landscape, the study sheds light on the complex mechanisms driving the production and reproduction of space in Fatih. In this thesis, the close relationship of the Islamic religion with the production of space, significant migrant networks and the role of the concept of governmentality in the production of space stand out as the primary dimensions of the discussion on space and migration. These factors, which shape migrants' preferences and settlement dynamics, play a decisive role in the processes of forming their identities, feeling belonging and establishing spatial ties. Within this framework, the thesis analyzes how religious practices, as well as social, political, and economic networks, contribute to the production of space in Fatih. Keywords: Everyday Life, Islam, Production of space, Migration, Governmentality, Syrian migrants
Modernity and the politics of food insecurity in Pakistan
Food is multidimensional in its impact and position in a society, and sociology as a wide framework encompassing multiple spectrums of thought is the most apt framework to study it. In the developing world, food insecurity has been a problem for ages, and Pakistan, as a developing country, has its stream of problems and factors that contribute to the persistence of this issue. Besides playing a crucial role in human sustenance, food can also be perceived as a modicum of achieving Weberian modernity in a society, where predictable and calculable measures of producing and distributing food can lead to a modern, efficient society. The downside of this can be a subsequent commodification of food, as identified by Frederick Magdoff, making it a product to be sold, rather than a human necessity. This is magnified by the dependence on the developed countries under the world-systems model, where food is imported based on interests that do not match the general public. While Pakistan identifies the importance of advancing the society systematically in the food sector, and there seems to be attempts to introduce greater predictability and calculability in the agricultural industry, its various issues, such as an unpredictable, unchecked increase in population, thrust the country back into food insecurity. Combined with another Weberian nemesis of a modern society; the lack of adequate awareness and knowledge leads the country into a situation where food is no doubt commodified, but without the achievement of modernizing the sector or society as desired, giving rise to other problems such as impersonality of farmers, while sustaining it is already present problems. Secondary data analysis is used to conduct this research, and it contributes by providing an insight into the different factors of food insecurity, using data from vi the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, the World Bank, the United Nations, The Economist, and the World Food Program.
The role of religion in the cohesion of the Taliban movement in Afghanistan (1994-2021)
This study explores the religious factors that contributed to the cohesion of the Taliban movement in Afghanistan. It is one of the rare cases in modern times where a social movement successfully seized power twice within 25 years under entirely different circumstances. The first time was in the context of a civil war and the second came after a two-decade war against a large international coalition led by the United States. I used a qualitative method, conducting semi-structured interviews with 13 participants, including a Taliban leader, Islamists, foreign fighters, academicians, journalists, and former political prisoners. The findings showed how Islam, specifically in its traditional form contributed heavily to the cohesion of the Taliban movement more than any other social, ethnic, or political factors. The study also challenged the common view in the literature that overemphasizes the link between the Taliban and the Deobandi movement, ideologically or politically. It also highlighted that the consistency in implementing Sharia law, rather than flexibility (as some literature suggests), was one of the primary reasons for the Taliban's high recruitment capacity. The leader-centric organizational structure, rooted in the classical Islamic Emirate, and the key role of religious scholars were vital in maintaining unity, even as the movement shifted to a decentralized model. This structure also distinguished the Taliban from other movements with similar religious structures. Additionally, the study highlighted the complex interaction between foreign mujahid organizations and the Taliban, including areas of support, along with tensions and clashes. These religious factors were analyzed through Ibn Khaldun's asabiyyah theory, demonstrating its relevance for understanding similar movements.
The Islamic bloc in Palestinian universities: Student resistance, mobilization, and political opportunity structures
In this research, I aim to contribute to the analysis of the Palestinian student movement's transformation towards resistance, concentrating on the Islamic Bloc (IB), by answering the question: How does the relationship of the Palestinian student movement with the socio-political players (Universities administrative, Palestinian factions, Palestinian Authorities, and Israeli Authorities) affect the student movement's transformations towards resistance and its ability to mobilize adherents and lead collective actions? To answer the main research question, qualitative research methods are employed to collect and analyze primary sources and data from the organization's establishment through 2021. Unstructured interviews are conducted to collect important data, relying on the oral history methodology. These interviews are analyzed by using the positioning theory as explained by Harré and Langenhove. This study considers the period between 1980, the year in which the IB was officially established, and 2021 when the battle of Seif Al-Quds took place which established a new era of the Palestinian armed resistance. Driven by social movement theory, I intend to provide a view of the shifts in framing process for such a social movement. Keeping in mind that it is important to understand the relationship between the sources of social mobilization at key historic turning points, I shed the lights on the following periods: the first Intifada, the Oslo agreements, the Palestinian division, and the wars on Gaza, to explain the factors of continuity and change of the student movement in Palestinian territories.
Arnavutluk'ta sivil din: Tarihsel, kültürel ve nitel bir analiz
Bellah'a (1991) göre Amerikan sivil dini, belirli bir mezhebe veya kilise öğretisine dayanmayan, kendi kutsal semboller setine sahip müstakil bir dindir. Önce Amerika'da sekülerizm ve politik söylemler ekseninde çalışılmaya başlanan bu kavram, zamanla İngiltere, İsveç, Kanada, Avustralya, Türkiye, İsrail ve Nijerya gibi birçok ülkede de araştırma konusu olmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Arnavutluk'ta sivil dinin tarihsel, kültürel ve toplumsal düzeylerdeki görüngülerini incelemektir. İki aşamalı bu araştırmada ilk olarak, yakın dönem Arnavutluk tarihinde sivil dinin izleri ve kültürel motifler değerlendirilmiş; sivil-dinî teopolitika analiz edilmiştir. İkinci aşamada ise Arnavut halkının sivil dini ne ölçüde deneyimlediği/benimsediği ve Arnavutluk'ta sivil dinin bölücülük-bütünleştiricilik eksenindeki bir spektrumun hangi noktasında yer aldığı sorgulanmıştır. Maksimum çeşitlilik ile elverişli örnekleme yöntemlerinin kullanıldığı bu çalışmada beş ana temaya dayalı olarak 26 katılımcıyla derinlemesine mülakatlar (çevrimiçi) gerçekleştirilmiştir. Veriler, MAXQDA programından faydalanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Tarihsel veriler, 19. yüzyılda Pashko Vasa'nın "Arnavutluk'un dini Arnavutizm'dir." ifadesinde yer bulan sivil-dinî anlayışın, Komünizm döneminde Enver Hoca tarafından din karşıtlığını meşrulaştırmak için kullanıldığını göstermiştir. 1990 sonrası dönemde ise sivil dinin, politik söylem düzeyindeki etkisi azalsa da farklı bir biçimde halk nezdindeki etkisini sürdürdüğü tespit edilmiştir. Arnavutluk'ta sivil-dini görüngülerin üç düzeyde ele alınabileceği görülmüştür. Tarihsel ve kültürel düzeyde, Amerika örneğinde kurgulanan millet/devlet ile Tanrı/din arasındaki doğrudan ilişkiler yerine, Arnavutluk'ta milli değerlerin bağımsız kutsanmasının tercih edildiği bulgulanmıştır. Medya, entelijansiya ve reel politik düzeyinde Avrupa'ya uygun bir Arnavut kimliğinin inşası öne çıkmış, kamusal alanda İslam'ın görünürlüğünü/etkinliğini sınırlandıran dışlayıcı söylemlerle karşılaşılmıştır. Toplumsal düzeyde ise sivil din, kısmi olarak bütünleştirici bir rol üstlenmiştir. Arnavut örnekleminde sivil dinin birey düzeyindeki boyutlarına ilişkin bulgular, Amerika örneğiyle örtüşmüş, konumsal düzeyi ise herhangi bir karşılık bulmamıştır. Araştırma sonuçları, Arnavut halkının sivil dini, Amerika örneğinden farklı bir biçimde deneyimlediğini ortaya koymuştur. Bulgular kültürlerarası bir perspektifle yorumlanmıştır. Arnavutluk'ta sivil dinin ilk kez incelendiği bu çalışmanın, alana interdisipliner yaklaşım kazandırabilecek kapsamlı bir araştırma modelinin ilk adımları olabileceği umulmaktadır.
Understanding changes in urban dynamics and the discussions surrounding reconstruction process in post-earthquake Antakya
On February 6-7, 2023, the earthquakes centered in Kahramanmaraş caused unprecedented destruction in Antakya, significantly altering the city's social, cultural, and physical fabric. This study aims to understand the transformations in Antakya's social and cultural structure following the earthquake and to examine the extent to which the local population's expectations, desires, and concerns align with the reconstruction process. Using qualitative research methods, fieldwork was conducted, and semi-structured interviews were carried out to investigate changes in the lives of residents before and after the earthquake, as well as their perspectives on the reconstruction process. Additionally, publications by the state and relevant institutions regarding the reconstruction process were analyzed to understand the planning framework, while discussions were further expanded through social media accounts, news websites, and YouTube videos. Findings indicate that, before the earthquake, Antakya was culturally, ethnically, and demographically diverse, supported by strong solidarity networks. The local population demonstrated a deep attachment to their neighborhoods and Antakya. However, the earthquake disrupted these social bonds, leading to fractures within the community. While the state's reserved area policy and centralized reconstruction, efforts helped restore the housing stock relatively quickly and met some expectations, non-participatory planning processes, reserved area policies, and uniform housing developments generated discontent among certain vii segments of the population. Issues such as loss of belonging, alienation, replacing use value with exchange value, the erasure of neighborhood boundaries, and uncertainties regarding property rights have been observed. In conclusion, while reconstruction efforts have accelerated the return to normalcy in Antakya, the "normal" being re- established appears to be a somewhat alienated reality for the local population. Keywords: Earthquake, Migration, Place Attachment and Identity, Reconstruction, Solidarity and Resistance, Spatial Justice and Right to the City.
Ötekileştirilme, sömürü ve gündelik hayat taktikleri bağlamında göçmenler: Düzce örneği
Türkiye özellikle 2011 yılından itibaren yaşadıkları iç savaş nedeniyle ülkelerini terk eden Suriye ve Irak kökenli mültecilerin ve yaşadıkları ekonomik sıkıntılar ve siyasî istikrarsızlıklar nedeniyle göç eden İran, Afganistan ve Pakistan kökenli kimselerin sığındıkları bir ülke olmuş ve dünyada en fazla sığınmacı barındıran ülke haline gelmiştir. Ankara ve İstanbul gibi metropol kentlere yakın olan Düzce ilinde tarım, hayvancılık, sanayi, inşaat ve hizmet sektöründe çalışacak iş gücü açığı bulunması, bu şehri iç göçlerin yanı sıra Suriye, Irak ve Afganistan kaynaklı dış göçlerin de yöneldiği ve göçmenlerin çalışmak ve ikamet etmek için tercih ettiği bir yer haline getirmiştir. Göç alan diğer yerler gibi Düzce'ye gelen göçmenler de sığınma amacıyla veya çalışma niyetiyle ya da Avrupa'ya geçmek için geçici olarak kalma gayesiyle gelebilmektedirler. Amaçları ne olursa olsun bu göçmenler hayatlarını devam ettirebilmek için çalışmak zorunda kalmakta ve genellikle enformel sektörlerde vasıfsız olarak, emek yoğun ve düşük ücretli işlerde çalışarak emek sömürüsüne ve ötekileştirilmeye maruz kalmaktadırlar. Bu çalışma, Türkiye'nin kuzey batısında yer alan Düzce iline sığınma amaçlı göç eden geçici koruma altındaki Suriyeli göçmen erkeklere, uluslararası koruma altında olan Iraklı göçmen erkeklere ve çalışma amaçlı ya da sığınma amaçlı düzenli/düzensiz olarak gelen Afgan göçmen erkeklere ötekileştirme, sömürü ve gündelik hayat taktikleri bağlamında odaklanmaktadır. Bu şekilde bir taraftan Düzce'deki sığınmacı erkeklerin iş bulma sırasında, çalışma hayatlarında ve gündelik hayatlarında yaşadıkları ötekileştirilme ve sömürü ortaya çıkartılırken, diğer taraftan da yaşadıkları zorluklar karşısında onların hayata tutunma taktiklerine, gündelik hayat sosyolojisi kuramları çerçevesinde bakılmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda Lefebvre'nin gündelik hayat teorisi, De Certau'nun "gündelik hayatın keşfi"ndeki strateji ve taktik kavramları ve sembolik etkileşimci yaklaşım kuramcılarının görüşleri, yeni toplumsal normlara ve günlük yaşama dair adetlere muhatap kalan düzenli/düzensiz sığınmacıların durumu yorumlanırken dikkate alınmıştır. Ayrıca bulunduğu ve hayatını sürdürdüğü yeri muhtelif sebeplerle terk edip yabancısı olduğu bir mekânda ve ortamda yaşamak durumunda kalan insanları göç etmeye sevk eden sebepler üzerinde durulmuş, göç kararı vermek, göç hareketine dâhil olmak ve varılan yerde yeni bir hayat kurmak sürecinde sığınmacıları etkileyen etmenler ve sığınmacıların karşı karşıya kaldığı tehditler ve fırsatlar tespit edilmeye çalışılmış ve bunlar karşısında sığınmacıların kullandığı taktikler anlatılmıştır.
The Islamic bloc in Palestinian universities: Student resistance, mobilization, and political opportunity structures
In this research, I aim to contribute to the analysis of the Palestinian student movement's transformation towards resistance, concentrating on the Islamic Bloc (IB), by answering the question: How does the relationship of the Palestinian student movement with the socio-political players (Universities administrative, Palestinian factions, Palestinian Authorities, and Israeli Authorities) affect the student movement's transformations towards resistance and its ability to mobilize adherents and lead collective actions? To answer the main research question, qualitative research methods are employed to collect and analyze primary sources and data from the organization's establishment through 2021. Unstructured interviews are conducted to collect important data, relying on the oral history methodology. These interviews are analyzed by using the positioning theory as explained by Harré and Langenhove. This study considers the period between 1980, the year in which the IB was officially established, and 2021 when the battle of Seif Al-Quds took place which established a new era of the Palestinian armed resistance. Driven by social movement theory, I intend to provide a view of the shifts in framing process for such a social movement. Keeping in mind that it is important to understand the relationship between the sources of social mobilization at key historic turning points, I shed the lights on the following periods: the first Intifada, the Oslo agreements, the Palestinian division, and the wars on Gaza, to explain the factors of continuity and change of the student movement in Palestinian territories.