Theses supervised by Prof. Dr. Emin Gürses
22 theses · Sakarya University, Yeditepe University
Western democracies, integration of minority groups and violent organizations
The main aim of this paper in particular is to determine the procedure applied by the Western states regarding the integration of immigrants. This article aims to focus on the settlers and the second generation, not the new immigrants. It starts with a review of various integration strategies, discusses the target audiences for integration policies, statistics on the current state of immigrants and second-zgeneration citizens, and then moves on to a review of integration tools, including laws, social policies, processes. The main method to be followed for assessing progress will be the arguments put forward in the Lakatosian "Research Programs". The piece is divided into three sections. The literature dealing with the historical process of how immigrants arrived in Europe and what kind of status they had is presented in the first chapter. The second part presents the specific approach of Europe's two largest states to the integration of the second and third generations from a political, cultural and religious perspective. And the last part is where the final conclusions are drawn. The relationship between Great Britain and France therefore stems from both the fact that when we talk about immigration in the two countries we are talking about the same issues and a combination of fashion influences and what could be called liberated responses to needs: learning languages, place given to jus soli, balance between integration and multiculturalism, workforce adapting to the needs of the market, trying to attract the elite to a global market.
Yeltsin sonrası Rusya'nın Orta Asya politikası
Bu tezde, Rusya'nın Orta Asya bölgesine uyguladığı güvenlik, ekonomik ve kültürel politikaları "Neorealizm" teorisi çerçevesinde incelenmiştir. Uluslararası ilişkileri tek teori üzerinden açıklamanın olanaksızlığı nedeniyle bu çalışmada, dış politikadaki temel kavramlar tartışılmış ve onların yeni akımları incelenmiştir. Her teorinin temsilcileri ve onların fikirleri belirtilmiştir. Ayrıca, Rusya'nın dış politikasında neorealizm olgusuna değinilmiştir. Yeltsin döneminde Rusya'da oluşan Yakın Çevre politikasının V. Putin'in gelişiyle nasıl değişimler ve güncellemeler geçirdiği vurgulanmıştır. V. Putin iktidara geldikten sonra Rusya'nın dış politikasının temelini oluşturan Ulusal Güvenlik, Askeri ve Dış Politika Konseptinin onay süreci değerlendirilmiştir. Bu belgelerin seneler içerisinde nasıl güncellemeler geçirdiği açıklanmıştır. Orta Asya, Rusya'nın çıkarları için hayati öneme sahiptir. Bu bölgede Rusya, öncelikle güvenlikle yakından ilgilenmektedir. Orta Asya'daki istikrar Rusya'nın o bölgedeki ekonomik, kültürel ve askeri politikalarını etkileyen en önemli unsurdur. Bu çerçevede Rusya'nın dış tehditlere karşı ele aldığı BDT, KGAÖ, ŞİÖ, AEB gibi dış politika araçlarının uygulanışı da incelenmiştir. SSCB'nin dağılmasıyla Orta Asya'daki ülkeler bağımsızlıklarını ilan etmiş ve her biri bağımsız şekilde gelişimlerini sürdürmüşlerdir. Bu durum göz önünde bulundurularak Rusya'nın Orta Asya ülkeleriyle olan siyasi, ekonomik, kültürel ve enerji alandaki işbirliklerine değinilmiştir. Bu husus, Rusya'nın, çıkarları doğrultusunda Orta Asya'ya uyguladığı politikalarına yenilerini eklemesi açısından önemlidir.
Türkiye'deki Kürt meselesi etrafındaki şiddet sarmalının Galtung'un çatışmaları ele alma yöntemi bağlamında incelenmesi
Bu tezde Türkiye'deki Kürt Meselesi'nin 2018 yılına gelindiğinde aldığı hâlin, Galtung'un çatışmaları ele alma yöntemi açısından incelenmesi yapılmıştır. Galtung'un yaklaşımı açıklandıktan sonra, Kürt Meselesi'nin boyutları - Kürt Meselesi, Çözüm Mantığı, Siyasi Boyut, Sosyal Boyut, Kültürel Boyut, Ekonomik Boyut, Güvenlik Boyutu – incelenmiştir. Galtung'un temel ihtiyaçlar - güvenlik, yemek, su, sağlık, eğitim, barınma, sevme/ait olma, itibar, kendini gerçekleştirme - üzerinden meşru ve gayrı meşru ayrımı yapması baz alınarak, Kürt Meselesi'nde meşru ve gayrı meşru noktalar öne çıkarılmıştır. Tezde incelenen Kürt Meselesi PKK'nın ilk eylem tarihi 15 Ağustos 1984 yılından bu tarafa nasıl evrildiği üzerine olmuştur. 1990'larda inkârdan vazgeçilmiş ve Kürt varlığı kabul edilmiştir. 2000'ler ile birlikte özellikle açılım döneminde Kürtlere birçok haklar verilmiştir. Kürt Meselesi'nde siyasi boyutta şu hususlar öne çıkmaktadır: Kürtçü ve PKK'nın türevleri olan gruplar ayrılıkçılığa yol açacak KCK/Demokratik Özerklik üzerinde ısrar ederken, Kürtlerin ve genel olarak Türk Milleti'nin ihtiyacı yerel yönetimlerin güçlendirilmesidir. Bu bağlamda yerel yönetimlerin güçlendirilmesi sağlanmıştır. Sosyal boyutta; eğitim ve sağlık gibi konularda DAB-GDAB bölgelerinde diğer bölgelere nazaran bir geri kalmışlık söz konusudur. Öncelik bu bölgelere verilerek ülke genelinde iyileştirmelere gidilmelidir. Kültürel boyut söz konusu olduğunda, anadilde topyekûn eğitim ve resmi dilin Kürtçe olması dışında tüm talepler yerine getirilmiştir. Ekonomik boyutta KDRP, KÖYDES, SODES, BELDES, Tazminat yasası ve Cazibe Merkezleri Programı ile DAB-GDAB bölgelerine pozitif ayrımcılık uygulanmaktadır. Güvenlik boyutunda ise PKK terör örgütünün silah bırakması ya da bataklığı kurutma operasyonu ile süpürülmesi sorunu vardır. Temmuz 2015'te başlayan ve halen devam eden operasyonlar başarılı olursa, PKK'nın süpürülmesi söz konusu olabilir. Nihayetinde, Kürt Meselesi tam olarak çözülmese de pozitif barışa yaklaşılmıştır.
Soğuk Savaş sonrası NATO'nun dönüşümü: Tehdit algısı, kriz yönetimi ve NATO askeri operasyonları
Askeri ittifakların geçirdiği evrimin son boyutunu temsil eden Kuzey Atlantik Antlaşması Örgütü (NATO), 1991'de SSCB'den kaynaklı tehdit algısının ortadan kalkmasına rağmen entropi (örgütsel ölüm) yaşamamıştır. Çalışmanın amacı Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde NATO'nun hayatta kalmak için nasıl bir dönüşüm geçirdiğini belirlemektir. Örgütün adaptasyon için gerçekleştirdiği dönüşüm siyasi- askeri kurumsal yapısı, kimliği ve coğrafi alanı olarak üç konu üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Bunun yanında NATO'nun kriz yönetim konsepti, misyonu, araçları ve operasyonlarındaki dönüşüm de bu tezin kapsamına dahil edilmiştir. Kurumsal yapı ve kriz yönetimi hakkında örgütün geçirdiği evrime odaklanan bir çalışmanın yokluğunun yanında kimlik ve coğrafi alanının dönüşüme ilişkin güncel bir çalışma olmaması bu çalışmayı önemli kılmaktadır. NATO Bosna Hersek, Kosova Kuzey Makedonya, Libya, Afganistan, Irak'ta barışa zorlama, barış inşası ve devlet inşasına yönelik çatışma yönetimi niteliğinde askeri operasyonlar düzenlemiştir. Bunun yanında doğal afetler, Covid 19 gibi salgın hastalıklar, açık etkinliklerin korunması, Akdeniz'in korunması, Afrika Birliği'ni destekleme, hava polisliği, korsanlıkla mücadele gibi farklı konu ve alanlarda kriz yönetim operasyonları gerçekleştirmiştir. Çalışmanın ana hipotezi NATO'da askeri müdahaleye yönelik kriz yönetimi kararındaki farklılıkların nedeni örgütün kurumsal dizaynından kaynaklanmaktadır. NATO'nun genişlemenin sınırlarına ulaşması nedeniyle coğrafi dönüşümünü tamamlamıştır. Ancak kimlik, siyasi-askeri kurumsal yapı ve kriz yönetimi konularında dönüşüm sürecini tamamlamadığı ve örgütün varlığını sürdürdükçe dönüşümü de devam edeceği sonucuna varılmıştır. Çalışmada tamamında nitel tümevarımcı araştırma yöntemi ve betimleyici analiz tekniği kullanılmıştır. Ayrıca çalışmanın ikinci bölümde karşılaştırmalı vaka içi analizi uygulanmıştır. Çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünde NATO'nun gerçekleştirdiği kriz yönetim operasyonlarının tamamı ele alınmış ve yalnızca altı ülkeyle sınırlı vaka analizi yöntemi ile En Farklı Sistemler Tasarımı uygulanmıştır.
Neorealizm kuramı çerçevesinde Azerbaycan dış politikası
Azerbaycan Kafkasya bölgesinde yerleşen ülke olarak uluslararası ve bölgesel sistemin anarşik yapısından etkilenmekle kendi dış politikasını şekillendirmeye çalışmıştır. Bu anlamda küçük devletin dış politikada manevra imkânları çok olmamakla beraber Azerbaycan uluslararası siyasetin doğası gereği bağımsızlığını korumak ve egemenliğini pekiştirmek açısından farklı dönemlerde farklı stratejiler izlemiştir. Dış politikada devletlerin atmış olduğu adımları farklı kuramlar çerçevesinde incelemek mümkünken, uluslararası siyasete uluslararası sistemin yapısından kaynaklanan gelişmeler ışığında açıklamaya çalışan neo-realist kuram perspektifinde incelenmiştir. Azerbaycan dış politikası uluslararası sistemin yapısal özelliklerden etkilenerek dış politika yürütmeye çalışması çalışmanın neo-realist kuramsal çerçevede incelenmesinde etkili olmuştur. Çalışma bu anlamda ikincil kaynakların incelenmesi sonucu literatür taraması yapılmıştır. Çalışma devletin dış politikada atmış olduğu adımları teorik çerçevede incelenmesiyle, belli kavramsal sınırlamaları da kapsamaktadır. Azerbaycan jeopolitik konumu teorinin odaklandığı temel sorunları da içermesi açısından çalışmanın özgün değerini ortaya koymaktadır. Azerbaycan dış politikada neo-realizmin temel argümanlarının üzerinde ısrarla durduğu güç, güvenlik, uluslararası sistemin anarşik yapısı, uluslararası örgütlerin dünya politikasında işlevselliği sorunu, devletler arası ilişkilerin ekonomik yapısı ve bu sürecin güvenlik üzerindeki etkileri gibi temel iddialar ile örtüştüğünü ifade etmek mümkündür. Azerbaycan dış politikasında Karabağ sorunu başta olmakla, devletleriyle ilişkilerinde ekonomik ilişkiler kurulması süreci, birçok bölgesel ve uluslararası örgütlerle ilişkilerinin açıklanması açısından çalışmanın neo-realist kuram perspektifinde incelenmesi önemlidir. Teorinin metodolojik önemi teorik çerçevenin sağlam şekilde oluşturulması ile beraber, Azerbaycan Devlet İstatistik Kurumunun ekonomik ilişkileri ile ilgili verileri toplanarak aynı zamanda Azerbaycan dış politikasını yürüten Cumhurbaşkanının ülkenin güvenliği ile ilgili söylemsel analizi yapılmıştır
İkincil güçlerin büyük güçlere yönelik stratejileri: Türkiye ve İran'ın Rusya'ya yönelik stratejilerinin analizi
Hegemonik İstikrar Teorisi ve benzeri teoriler, uluslararası sistemdeki güç ilişkilerini hiyerarşi kavramı üzerinden açıklamıştır. Bu kapsamda hiyerarşi piramidinin en tepesindeki ülke ile diğer ülkeler arasındaki ilişkilerin nasıl gelişeceğine dair argümanlar sunulmuş, ancak sıralamanın alt tarafındaki ülkelerin birbirleri ile ilişkileri yeterince kuramsallaştırılmamıştır. Bu tezde söz konusu kuramsal boşluğun doldurulmasına yönelik olarak "ikincil güçlerin kendinden askeri, ekonomik ve coğrafi olarak daha büyük ve kendisine kara ya da deniz sınırı olan ülkelere yönelik krizler esnasındaki stratejilerini nasıl belirlediği" sorunsallaştırılmıştır. Bu bağlamda stratejiyi belirleyen en önemli unsurun, iş birliği ve rekabet alanları ile şekillenen kimliksel kültür olabileceği önerilmiştir. Bu öneri ise, uluslararası ilişkiler literatüründe anlatılan dengeleme, tabi olma gibi stratejiler kullanılarak bir modele dönüştürülmüştür. Müteakiben, söz konusu strateji modeli, araştırma sorusunun çerçevesine uygun olarak seçilen ülkelerin ilişkileri değerlendirilerek test edilmiştir. Tezde ampirik alan, Türkiye ve İran'ın Rusya ile ilişkileri ve bu iki ülkenin Gürcistan Krizi, Suriye Krizi, Ukrayna Krizi esnasındaki Rusya'ya yönelik politikalarıdır. İki ülke ilişkilerinin kimliksel kültürü ile kriz esnasındaki ikincil gücün stratejileri arasındaki bağlantıya yönelik elde edilen bulgular ile tezin ana argümanı olan strateji modelinin işlevselliği açıklanmıştır. Nihai olarak; Türkiye-Rusya ve İran-Rusya ilişkileri üzerinde yapılan araştırma neticesinde, ikincil güçlerin kendinden ekonomik, askeri ve coğrafi olarak daha büyük ve kara ya da deniz sınırı olan ülkelere yönelik krizler esnasındaki stratejilerinin, ikincil güç ile büyük güç arasındaki tarihsel süreçte oluşan kimliksel kültürün etkisinde olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Bu sonuç ise, önerilen strateji modelinin işlevselliğini göstermiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Türkiye, Rusya, İran, Hiyerarşi, Gürcistan Krizi, Ukrayna Krizi, Suriye Krizi, Strateji Modeli
Birleşmiş Milletlerin Kosova'daki misyonları UNMIK ve EULEX'in hukukun üstünlüğü prensibine göre anlamak
In international relations and the international law, the Kosovo case marked by a war is considered "sui generis" or a specifical case. In the post-war era, Kosovo was declared to be an international protectorate and subject to full international rule almost for a decade, i.e., from June 1999 to February 2008. In this regard, this rule or the so-called administration was based on the UN-Security Council Resolution No. 1244, which still applies since the United Nations Mission in Kosovo or UNMIK has been continuing to operate in Kosovo even though symbolically. Another international organization, the European Union (EU), launched a new international mission in Kosovo following its declaration of independence in February 2008. Although this new mission had a different role and mandate, it still embodied certain responsibilities inherited from UNMIK. Nevertheless, this mission started to operate under circumstances different from those of UNMIK, since it took over the role for an independent sovereign state rather than one in conflict. This dissertation is essentially designed to investigate the role of international organizations such as UNMIK and EULEX (European Union Rule of Mission in Kosovo) in the rise of this new independent state. In this context, the study aims to provide an overview of the challenges that particularly UNMIK encountered in its efforts to build an over-ruling administration in Kosovo. Furthermore, the transition period towards the deployment of EULEX in Kosovo will be analyzed in depth. Through literature review on the nature of mandate, goals and implementation of these two international missions, the study will explore whether they achieved their goals as well as determining how internal factors mitigated their effectiveness. In this vein, this study will further analyze the political and legal characteristics of both international missions in Kosovo with a focus on differences and similarities in implementation as well as structure, function and advantages and disadvantages in a comparative manner. Finally, the recommendations provided in the conclusion chapter of the study are aimed to benefit students of the department of international relations as well as future missions of international organizations. Keywords: UNMIK, EULEX, Kosovo, UNSC- 1244, SRSG, JIAS, PISG, Final Political Status, Ahtisaari Proposal, ICO, Interim Institutions, Constitutional Framework.
Financing of the ethnic terrorist organizations: The case of IRA, ETA, PKK
Terrorism is no longer a threat today, it has become a danger that affects the whole world. The main resources of terrorist organizations, which are basically ideologically, ethnically and reli-giously defined, to carry out their activities in the international arena are their financial sup-port. Terrorist organizations need large amounts of financial support to achieve their goals. Terrorist organizations have used the resources of exaction collecting, extortion, robbery, theft, migrant smuggling, human trading, arms trafficking, drug trafficking, money launder-ing, fundraising and due collection, earning income through the media, and engaging in com-mercial activities in order to achieve their goals. The main purpose of this thesis was to exam-ine the financial support of terrorist organizations and the international organizations estab-lished in order to prevent the financial support provided to the organizations. In order to achieve this goal, firstly, the reasons for the emergence of ethnic terrorist organizations and the financial resources of IRA ETA and PKK organizations, which are defined as ethnic ter-rorist organizations, have been analyzed. Keywords: Terrorism, Ethnic Terrorism, Terrorist Financing, Terrorist Financing Sources, IRA, ETA, PKK
Study of the cyber security measures: Comparative work of the United States and Turkey
Cyber security is to protect data, networks, programs and other information from unauthorized access. Cyber security is very important in today's world due to some security threats and cyber attacks. Many companies develop software programmes for data protection. Cyber attackers use lots of software and code in cyberspace to commit cybercrime. It exploits weaknesses in software and hardware design by using malware. Today, cyber security threats are very dangerous for the security of the country due to high internet access. Therefore, cyber security is one of the biggest needs in the world. Cybersecurity breach is an ever-present threat facing any technology-based industry. It is especially dangerous for government agencies that hold sensitive civil and national security data in their information systems. This risk has pushed each country to create its own cyber security policy. In the globalizing world, one of the places where wars are now carried is cyberspace. In this direction, each country creates its own policy. In this study, Turkey's cyber security policy and the cyber security policy of the United States have been compared. It is aimed to compile the security policies by presenting the differences between the cyber attacks in America and Turkey and their approaches to attacks.
Turkish Maarif Foundation as an element of soft power in Turkish foreign policy
During the Cold War, military and economic power as elements of hard power constituted the basic instruments of international relations and foreign policy. During this period, realism dominated international relations, and due to security concerns, states put great effort to increase their military and economic power against other states that they considered rivals. The end of the Cold War, on the other hand, led to significant changes in international relations, foreign policy and state behaviors. In the new world order emerging after the Cold War, states preferred to use more peaceful methods rather than hard power in their relations with other states including both soft power and public diplomacy. They opted for developing good relations with other states and endeavored to influence societies by elements of attraction. Many countries across the world started to integrate soft power – which means using attraction element and influencing foreign societies – and public diplomacy in the last decade of the 20th century. In this context, they established new institutions in addition to converting existing state institutions. Although Turkey was rather late to perform the necessary transformation in this field, it started to use soft power and public diplomacy thanks to the transformation in its foreign policy and new institutions in the 21st century. Indeed, the importance attached to education abroad, student scholarships and opening schools in foreign countries was a reflection of the transformation in foreign policy. This doctoral thesis will explore the activities of Turkish Maarif Waqf (Education Foundation), its place foreign policy and its impact on public diplomacy in detail. The study will seek answers to the following questions: Does Turkish public diplomacy have a wide enough network in the field of education? Compared to one of its counterparts in the world, the UK, what is the rate of Turkey's activities in the field of education abroad? Does Turkey apply public diplomacy in its foreign policy? Key Words: Turkish Maarif Waqf, Public Diplomacy, Soft Power
Uluslararası hukuk sisteminde nefret suçları : Londra-İstanbul karşılaştırması
Hate crimes are a growing trend around the world. Certain characteristics such as hate crimes, perpetrator's victim race, religion are exhibited. These hate crimes are a major threat to public peace and security. In order to prevent this threat, many states have regulated hate crime in their criminal laws. The aim of this study is to make a legal comparison between developed and developing countries. By examining the laws, social lives and political lives of the countries, case analyzes and comparisons between countries were tried to reach a conclusion. Keywords: Hate Crimes, International Law, Developed, Developing
Health security and securitization of COVID-19 in the case of Turkey
Since Spanish Flu, the Covid-19 pandemic has been one of the greatest threats to the existence of humans on the planet. It threatens human health, economic and political order, and ultimately the state's existence. For this reason, Covid-19 is a political problem and needs a political solution. The political resolution of Covid-19 in Turkey analyzed within the framework of the securitization theory of Copenhagen School. The basic assumptions of the study analyzed in three stages: practices, discourses, and audience consent within the framework of the criticisms brought to the theory. Turkey's response to Covid-19 has been in the form of unconventional security-based framing to a national crisis. The government has securitized a health problem that the country has faced for the first time with regulations and policy implementations. The discourses are framed as metaphors: nationalists, fear, war, and military action. The Minister of Health placed at the center of events as the prominent leader. The President's verbal messages focused on a sense of community and joint action. Since it is not sufficient to analyze a threat speech acts of the securitizing actor alone, it has been discussed with an intersubjective approach. In this context, it has introduced new way to the securitization of Covid-19, in which the public plays a key role. This thesis analyzed the perspectives of both the securitizing actor and the audience. The thesis has contributed to the theoretical discussion on the audience by emphasizing the special role given to the public in this particular securitization context. A nuanced analysis of audience acceptance showed that despite a general resonance with threat perception, it highlighted the importance of safeguards and the audience's participatory role in the process. This study questioned whether Covid-19 could be considered as "successfully securitized" in Turkey. The study showed that the role of the audience is essential for successful securitization. This study examines an intersubjective process from a historical perspective. It questioned the extent to which the public accepted the securitization of Covid-19 in Turkey. As far as we know, it is one of the first studies to examine the public perception of government response in Turkey within the scope of securitization theory. The findings here may help guide future decisions, especially given the impact of public perception on adopting government guidelines and policies.
Security dimensions of Islamic religious organizations in Turkish political life since 1980
Religious organizations, whose historical roots go back a long time, have always had a significant impact on the social and political field. This effect sometimes brought them closer to political power, and sometimes caused them to be kept under control by the state. The exclusion from the official field after the proclamation of the Republic led these organizations to be illegal organizations. However, with the transition to multiparty life, it is seen that religious organizations that have developed a relationship of interest with political parties have gained legitimacy as a result of the domestic and foreign conjunction since the 1980s. Especially after 1980, these organizations, which came to the fore with their relations with political parties, their activities in the field of education and their financial dimension, were perceived as a security problem over time. In addition, the international connections they have developed since this process and their effects on Turkish foreign policy make it necessary to analyze them in terms of external security. The transformation of a religious group from a community identity to a terrorist organization in the recent past has caused all other religious groups that lost their essential functions to be considered in this study. The main purpose of this academic study is to examine the internal and external security dimensions of religious organizations that instrumentalized religion by gaining a different appearance and function in Turkish political life since the 1980s.
The role of NATO's enlargement policy in the Russia-Ukraine crisis
In the era after Cold War, the changing balance of power following the dissolution of the Soviet Union brought about fundamental structural changes, new security approaches, and debates in the globalizing international system. NATO, a military alliance established after World War II for common defense and security against the Soviet "threat", continues to expand to create a new mission and legitimacy for itself despite the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact. This study emphasizes the role NATO's enlargement policy played in the Russia-Ukraine crisis in view of new security strategies and current developments that have emerged because of NATO's transformation process based on adapting to the changing international system in the post-Cold War. For this purpose, NATO's enlargement policy was studied considering the concept of security in international relations, taking into account its historical background, and has been evaluated using the Copenhagen School's securitization theory with the qualitative content analysis method, based on the new imperialism approach and changing security theories in the post-Cold War globalizing world. Within the scope of this study, NATO's enlargement policy is seen as a key indicator that played a crucial role in the Russia-Ukraine crisis, preventing the risks posed by security dilemmas from evolving into peace in line with the aim of containing Russia, let alone preventing the outbreak and escalation of conflicts. In the context of this main argument of the study, when we consider the steps taken by NATO in line with its enlargement policy, new security strategies, and military interventions, it becomes obvious that there is a strong direct relationship between NATO's enlargement policy and the fundamental reasons for the Russia-Ukraine crisis. Keywords: Copenhagen School; globalization; NATO's enlargement policy; Russia-Ukraine crisis; securitization theory; security strategies.
The impact of economic sanctions as a foreign policy instrument: The example of U.S. sanctions on Russian energy industry
Economic sanctions, especially during the twentieth century, emerged as a foreign policy tool. Economic sanctions were a perfect tool of the Cold War as a deterrent for employing military power. The main objective of employing economic sanctions is to make the other party to reexamine and potentially revise its policies causing the unrest, and ultimately comply with the requirements of the coercer. However today the level of effectiveness of employing economic sanctions as foreign policy instrument is subject to wide debate. This thesis is prepared with the objective of contributing to the debate using a case study to answer the question of whether economic sanctions are a viable deterrent to achieve the desired outcome. In the study we examined whether the US sanctions placed on the Russian energy sector was an effective deterrent after Russia's annexation of Crimea. The thesis examined the background and the purpose of these sanctions and evaluate their effectiveness by discussing their impact on the Russian energy sector.
Impact of the energy issue on Turkey's Eastern Mediterranean policy
Energy and its security is one of the most important issues in making of a foreign policy. As mentioned in this thesis chapters, the seeking of alternative energy resources and having their own share, stirred the Eastern Mediterranean with the discoveries of hydrocarbon reserves. The fact that Turkey is highly dependent on energy resources, that its consumption rates are increasing year by year, and that it aims to be the energy hub that transfers energy to Europe, has also led Turkey to want to be part of the energy equation that is emerging in the Eastern Mediterranean. Although the parties to this equation excluded Turkey. Turkey took some actions in the region, but it is not enough plus after Covid-19 Turkey stopped its actions, and recently it shifted its interest mainly to the Black Sea in terms of energy. In this context, this thesis answered the question of what Turkey should do in the Eastern Mediterranean. And concluded that she needed to take actions to better her relations with the regional actors-states and non-regional actors that had a part in the equation. Turn the current situation of exclusion otherwise and use the disagreements between those actors to her advantage. Also, continue her activities of drilling and research in the Eastern Mediterranean that she initiated before, but shift to the Black Sea. Key Words: Continental Shelf, Eastern Mediterranean, Exclusive Economic Zone, Delimitation, Energy Security
Turkey-Syria relations in the Davutoglu period
Criticisms against realism which had been a dominating theory in literature in the aftermath of the Second World War began to rise and the hegemony of realism in the international relations arena was shattered. Instead, constructivism emerged as a new approach and provided many subjects in foreign policymaking with different perspectives. Turkish Foreign Policy followed policies that were similar to the policies of the United States of America which was the leader of the Western Bloc in the time period that Turkey sided with the Western Bloc and it shaped its foreign policy in the framework of that of the Western Bloc. After the Cold War, relative autonomy period sprang in the world order. In spite of this, Turkey could not act actively in this newly born autonomous period in the world order because of both political and economic reasons as well as continueing the habits of the Cold War period. Turkish Foreign Policy, which started to change in the period when İsmail Cem was the foreign affairs minister, maintained this change in the Justice and Development Party's rule as well. However, foreign policy moves that were implemented in the framework of Strategic depth failed. The biggest failure of Turkish foreign policy under Davutoğlu, which failed because of the fact that it conflicted with the notions of power, interest, identity and the system, happened with the case of Syria. In this master thesis, Turkish foreign policy under Davutoğlu with regards to its perspective on Syria will be examined in detailed. In addition, the following questions will be answered: Why did Turkish Foreign policy under Davutoğlu fail in Syria? How did the relations between Syria and Turkey evolve in the Syrian conflict? Keywords: Davutoğlu, Turkish Foreign policy, Syria
Border issues in the Eastern Mediterranean: An assessment on Turkey
This study is prepared to analyze the approaches and policies of Turkey and riparian countries toward the issue of sharing resources in the Eastern Mediterranean and to offer suggestions for solving this issue. Drafted in consideration of international rules of law, this study elaborates on the interrelations between Turkey and its riparian countries and seeks an answer for the question "What are the factors that render the Eastern Mediterranean important?" In the study, the factors that render the Eastern Mediterranean region important are scrutinized within the scope of historical process. Focusing on energy assets and the issue of sharing resources in the Eastern Mediterranean, the study further explores terms of international maritime law and analyzes cooperation and relations among states. The steps to be taken by Turkey to solve problems in the region as well as challenges it will face are clearly expressed. In this regard, the study delves into the issue of border disputes in consideration of energy reserves found in the Eastern Mediterranean, which sets the boundaries of this study. Consequently, suggested solutions for problems of resource distribution and sharing in the region are substantially explored in the study.
Constraints and opportunities of the institutional order during the nineteenth-century concert of Europe
Rather than participating in ongoing discussions about making discriminations in between the variations of polarity in international relations with regards to order and stability, ı tried to draw attentions of scholars, who have been interested in sustainable political order in international system, on a point that stability of polarity in international relations considerably hinges upon the ability of international political arrangements. My research question is to seek an answer for whether structural stability in the international system is to be associated with the efficiency of the institutional strategic restraints on the returns to the arbitrary wield of power during the nineteenth century in the Continental Europe. Polarity (distribution of power) after war had been reinforced through a variety of the status quoist institutional restraining strategies developed in cooperation by sovereign states to limit the returns to arbitrary wield of power through the Concert of Europe of 1815. The character of institutional order building has changed in accordance with the change in capacity and ability of states. Realists do not recognize the restraining strategy with the thought that states' main concern is to survive in a given distrubution of power and, in an anarchic system, sovereign equals do not constrain themselves by any such higher authority as institution. However, sovereign states, in the Vienna system, attempted to develop consensual and benign institutional binding strategy for their long-term interests by reorganizing the given distribution of benefits after war. Key words: System, order, institution, polarity, capacity, ability, strategy
Internal and external dimensions of the foreign intervention: The case of Libya following the Arab Spring
Unlike Tunisia and Egypt, the uprising in Libya was more violent, which made it the target state for the first application of the principle of responsibility to protect (military intervention against the will of the targeted state under the pretext of protecting civilians). Although it was called a humanitarian intervention, it was participation in humanitarian disaster consisted eight months of civil war that ended with the killing of Gaddafi and the overthrow of the regime. This was the starting point of a complex and continuing state of instability which Libya is suffering from. The aim of this study is to investigates the role of the major factor in Libya after the uprising (external interventions) in prolonging the state of instability without neglecting its interaction with the domestic circumstances. This study includes three chapters: first, the theoretical framework that provides the theoretical knowledge required to achieve the objectives of the study, such as the definitions of the external interventions, the position of international law on them (their legitimacy). It also examines the internal circumstances that attract the interveners (Interventional environment), in addition to the foreign policy motives of the countries intervening in Libya, and the role of external interventions and their impact on the duration of civil wars. Second chapter will be the case study that concentrate on how internal and foreign parties interacted throughout Libya's four major events over the previous decade. Finally, the last chapter provides an analytical understanding of the interactions between the external interveners and the domestic parties through the past decade, which shows how the intervening parties exploited internal conditions such as political division and security weakness to interfere in the internal affairs of Libya and obstruct the constitutional path, to be the main reason for prolonging the transitional process and continuing the state of instability. Keywords: civil war domestic; circumstances; foreign interventions; Libya; state of instability; Uprising.
International security politics: The contribution of intelligence organizations in Turkey's security policies
Intelligence is a method that states have been using for a long time as a direct or indirect instrument to ensure their security. Although intelligence data have been collected in the historical process by different people in many different ways, the area of intelligence has been professionalized over time and has turned into an element that experts determine the state's security strategies. There are many parameters for state survival. One of these parameters, probably the most important, is security. Security can be ensured in numerous different ways. There are many methods for states to ensure their security such as military investments and armament, economic empowerment, alliances, and taking place in the current balance of power in the international area. Among these methods, as well, is intelligence services. Intelligence has an important place in state policies, future plans as well as instant security measures. This dissertation is designed to investigate the effects of intelligence activities on state security and whether they have a role in shaping state policies. In addition, the question of which intelligence types are effective in state security policies will be tackled.
Ahmadinejad Period Islamic Republic of Iran: Relations with Hezbollah
The Hezbollah organization, which emerged in Lebanon, has been an important political and military actor in Lebanon and the Middle East since its inception. The Hezbollah organization, which was considered "terrorist" by some countries as both political and military, was influenced by a number of internal and external dynamics in the organization and growth phase. For a better understanding of the structure and impact power of the organization, these dynamics must be examined individually. In terms of external dynamics, Hezbollah has been in intense relations with Iran in both the founding phase and the following period. In this context, primarily the internal and external dynamics will be examined, and the Iranian relations, which are the ideological and political common denominators of the Organization, will be examined especially during the Ahmadinejad period (2005-2013). Key Words: Terrorism, Hezbollah, Iran, Ahmadinejad, Lebanon