Theses supervised by Prof. Dr. Yılmaz Bingöl

SecurityIntrusionSomalia+3

Intractable conflicts and logic of attack: ungoverned spaces in Somalia and implication on national and regional security

The situation in Somalia has over the last three decades transformed rapidly from a domestic conflict into a regional security crisis characterized by terrorism, cross border kidnappings, human trafficking, piracy, migration and assassinations. While there is growing concern over the conflict's impact on the region, the humanitarian situation in the country which has seen the death of over half a million people and millions others displaced often overshadow academic research conducted in the region and preoccupy efforts of peace ambassadors. This thesis aims to examine how and why the situation in Somalia affects domestic and regional security in the Horn of Africa. The study adopts a qualitative study approach by interrogating official government reports, academic and media publications as well as documents from non -governmental organizations. It uses information from various conflict reporting databases to analyze the trend and actors involved in attacks within Somalia and the region. The thesis consists of six chapters, it begins by examining the Somalian conflict within the context of complexity and ungoverned space theories. In this chapter the methodology adopted in the study is also discussed in detail. The second chapter examines the clan configuration among Somali communities and the origins of 'soft -bond' networks which have shaped the nature of the conflict. The third chapter of the thesis explores the colonial and historical origins of instabilities in Somalia as well as the history of peace efforts and why they failed. In chapter four, I asses the complexity of the conflict in Somalia and discuss the logic of attack and the transformation of the conflict over the years. Chapter five discusses the implications of the Somalian conflict on national and regional security, while chapter six which is also the findings section discusses the nexus between the Somalian conflict and the socio -economic, political and cohesion aspects of the society. The study argues that the impact of the situation in Somalia on the region is aggravated by three issues often overlooked. One is the emergence of ungoverned spaces in the country that allows criminal groups to recruit, train and carry attacks within and outside the country. Second is the transformation of the conflict itself from a civil war into organized crime making the situation intractable. This has not only continued to pose serious security threats to Somalia and her neighboring countries but also undermined peace efforts as perpetuators of these criminal activities continue to benefit from the instability in the country. The third element that has made the conflict adopt a regional dimension is the perception of the involvement by regional countries in the crisis which continues to influence the logic of attack in the country. The study identifies these three issues as critical barriers to peace in the Horn of Africa.

Israel Nyaburi Nyader

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

2021

DoctorateOpen AccessTR

Kimlik ve siyaset bağlamında Anadoluculuk hareketi

Bir aydın hareketi olarak gündeme gelen Anadoluculuk hareketi önemli bir kimlik açılımı başlatmış olmasına karşın, Türk siyasi düşünce tarihi literatüründe çok az incelenen başlıklardan birini oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, II. Meşrutiyetin üç yaygın ideolojisini oluşturan Osmanlıcılık, İslamcılık, Türkçülük-Turancılık düşüncelerine karşı eleştirel bir tutum sergileyen Anadoluculuk hareketi ve bu hareketin kurguladığı Anadoluluk kimliğinin temel bileşenleri ortaya konulacaktır. Bu amaçla, Anadolucu düşüncenin 1920lerin başından 1950lerin sonuna kadar geçirdiği süreç tarihsel bir perspektifle ele alınarak, Anadoluculuk hareketinin temel söylem ve görüşleri, eleştirel ve karşılaştırmalı bir analize tabi tutulacaktır. Anadolulu kimliğinin kurgulanışında kullanılan enstrümanların açığa çıkartılması amacıyla ortak tarih mitosu, milliyetçilik, kimlik, coğrafya, vatan, köycülük gibi tartışma konuları sorunsallaştırılarak genelde milliyetçi projelerin özelde Anadoluculuk hareketinin milli bir kimlik ve milli bir vatan kurma süreçlerinde ne tür alternatifleri tartıştıkları, hangi özlemleri dile getirdikleri dönemin siyasal, toplumsal, ekonomik ve kültürel gelişmeleriyle bağlantılı olarak ortaya konmaya çalışılacaktır. Çalışmanın bir başka amacı da Anadoluculuk hareketinin gündeme getirdiği eleştirel fikirlerin devrin diğer yaygın siyasal ideolojilerine Osmanlıcılık, İslamcılık, Türkçülük-Turancılık? karşı bakış açısının tespit edilmesi ve bu akımların Anadoluculuk hareketinin söylemlerine karşı ne tür tepkilerde bulunduklarının belirlenmesi olacaktır. Çalışma, Anadoluculuk hareketinin tam olarak sınırları belirlenmiş bir ideolojik çerçevesinin bulunmadığını, kendi tezlerini ortaya koyarken sert bir dille eleştirdiği Osmanlıcılık, İslamcılık ve Türkçülük-Turancılık ideolojilerinin dayanaklarını kullanma yoluna gittiğini ve dolayısıyla Anadoluculuk hareketinin bu üç ideolojiden bağımsız olarak değerlendirilemeyeceğini ileri sürecektir.

AnadoluculukAnadoluculukKimlik+6

Ahmet Pakiş

Yıldız Technical University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

2013

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

Somali'de federalizm ve ulusal kimlik

Somalia is grappling with the complexities of post-colonial statehood, deeply marred by a legacy of authoritarian rule, which has left a significant imprint on its contemporary social and political dynamics. Following the collapse of the central government in 1991, Somalia's political landscape has been restructured into a federal system, ostensibly to address a protracted clan-based power struggle and to foster a sense of national unity. Employing a quantitative research methodology, this study examines the correlation between the degrees of autonomy within federal constituent units and various dimensions of national identity, including citizens' sense of belonging, national attachment, social cohesion, and political participation. The findings indicate a paradox within the federalist approach: while increased autonomy correlates with greater political participation, it also associates with weakened national identity and social cohesion. This suggests that the federal system, while politically empowering, may inadvertently intensify societal divides. The study concludes with recommendations that suggest a recalibration of federal structures to balance regional autonomy with national unity and cohesion, an approach that is crucial for the long-term stability and development of Somalia. This research contributes to the discourse on federal governance in fragmented societies and offers insights that are pertinent for other nations grappling with similar challenges of identity politics and state-building. The significance of this study lies not only in its scholarly contribution, which bridges theoretical constructs with the lived realities of Somalia's federal governance but also in its practical implications. It provides an evidence-based foundation for informed policymaking aimed at reinforcing a cohesive national identity while respecting the autonomy of federal units—a narrative that, while unique to Somalia, has echoes in other divided societies grappling with similar governance challenges. Keywords: Federalism, National Identity, Somalia

Mustafa Mohamed Ali

2024

Regional developmentSoutheastern Anatolian ProjectDevelopment policies+1

The effects of regional development policies on urbanization: The case of Southeastern Anatolian Project

This thesis argues that poorly-designed and implemented regional development policies which focuses mainly economic development produce negative social and physical issues such as urban sprawl, uncontrolled migration, unhealty housing and exclusion of some special groups and inadequate development of human capital by clustering public resources in some cities though they achieve certain level of development. Regional Development approach, one of the main elements of the development of the countries, has been effectively used in many countries. This study aims to analyze the role of regional development policies in eliminating development gaps among regions within the Southeastern Anatolian Projects (GAP) framework, showing the effects of results to urbanization thay have emerged in cities in the region.

Muhammed Adak

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

2018

DoctorateOpen AccessTR

Kimlik ve siyaset bağlamında Anadoluculuk hareketi

AnadoluculukAnadoluculukKimlik+6

Ahmet Pakiş

Yıldız Technical University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

2013

DemocracyDemocratizationPolitical participation+3

The impact of corruption on political participation and democratization in Somalia: The case of selected public and private employees in Mogadishu

This dissertation examines the impact of corruption on political participation and democratization in Somalia. First, the study briefly discusses the historical and theoretical aspects of corruption, democratization, and political participation. The study develops a conceptual framework from the existing literature that explains how various types of political corruption influences political participation and democratization. Furthermore, this study employs the concurrent mixed methods design, in which qualitative and quantitative data were collected simultaneously and analyzed independently and merged. Qualitative data were obtained through semi-structured interviews with 18 participants, while quantitative data were collected through questionnaires completed by 191 respondents. The quantitative analysis indicates that logrolling and embezzlement have a statistically significant negative effect on democratization. Notably, logrolling has significantly adversely affected political participation in Somalia. Qualitative data analysis findings suggested that electoral process vote-buying undermines holistic political participation. At the same time, those with little or no money have minimal opportunities to participate in political activities as they will be locked out of the process. That ultimately undermines the achievement of full democracy. Additionally, the prevailing view among respondents was that political elites are trying to remain in power by embezzling and preventing the electoral participation of those who have the competence to advance Somalia's democratization process. Regarding qualitative outcomes, abolishing clan-based federalism and adopting procedural democracy would allow citizens to participate equally in the political process, reduce electoral corruption, and promote successful democratization in Somalia. Overall, the consolidated data reflect convergences and differences between the qualitative and quantitative data. Keywords: Corruption, political participation, democratization, Somali

Mohamed Omar Bıncof Bıncof

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

2021

The Arab SpringMilitary interventionDemocracy+3

Failed transition to democracy in Egypt

Democracy is one of the most demanded issues not only in Egypt but also in the region. Egyptian people have tried to reach democracy for a long time. Sometimes they tried to rise up to the authoritarian leaders yet; they failed all the time because of the weak support of the citizens. At the end of 2010, the Egyptian people supported the mass demonstration against the authoritarian rulers. The people in the region see that if they are a huge and decisive mass, then the ruler would have to stop doing undemocratic governance. Therefore, the uprising in Egypt had great hopes for a new politics in the region in which people freely vote for their political leaders. Hosni Mubarak was ousted after 18 days of uprising during the revolution on the 11th February 2011 in Egypt. He resigned from presidency and gave a mandate to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF). The people optimistically believed that the old system would be replaced with the new democratic one. Among the Egyptians, there were significant differences in how these goals were understood in practice and how they would be reconciled with the cultural and, in particular religious' values. Mohamed Morsi, who was the first democratically elected president, was over thrown from the presidency by force from the military coup d'état on the 03rd July 2013. The domestic factors paved the way for the failure of Morsi namely the democratic transition process. Also the external factors both the global and regional powerful states secretly supported the coup and they gave financial aids just after the counter-revolution. This transition process was also blocked by the established order. Therefore, the main purpose of this dissertation is to find out the reasons for failure of the transition to democracy in Egypt. This dissertation argues why transition to democracy in Egypt failed.

Şuayip Turan

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

2018

Public institutionsPublic administrationSomalia+2

The challenges of good governance in Somali

The idea of good governance is of increasing importance as it is used by the states, regional and international organizations to measure sustainable development. Thus, good governance is important for creating an environment where all citizens can equally be benefited from the countries resources and providing full protection of human rights especially women, children, and minority communities. This research examines the challenges of good governance in Somalia by emphasizing common principles of good governance such as transparency, accountability, equity and equality, effectiveness and efficiency, participation and the rule of law. To assess the challenges of good governance, both quantitative and qualitative data were used. The data was collected from both primary and secondary sources and analyzed using Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) software. The study also recommended policy suggestion so that to promote good governance applications in Somalia. Somalia, for many years to date, has been the worst in performing good governance practices. The public institutions have been lacking the courage to produce effective policies to good governance. As a result of this, governance in Somalia is characterized by poor performance, inadequate policies, poor institutional performance, lack of an independent judiciary system, corruption in all government spheres, lack of participation of the people in policy development and decision-making process. ix The findings of this study revealed that there are several challenges contributed to the lack of good governance applications in Somalia. These include clan supremacy, corruption, limited democratic culture, lack of adequate and appropriate laws, political challenges, and threats to peace. The researcher considers clan supremacy the most challenging factor to good governance because, since the formation of the Somalia state in 1960, the clan identity has been the basis of political power; and the will of the society has not been given attention. The study found that good governance in Somalia is rare in practice since 1991. The results of the study prove the author's research questions and the hypothesis that good governance has not been practiced in Somalia, among other things like. lack of constitutionalism, lack of rule of law, and the absence of law enforcement agencies, lack of separation of power between the federal government and the federal member states, poor human rights, corruption, and lack of strong institutions. Keywords: Somalia, Governance, Good Governance, Transparency, Rule of Law.

Abdıfatah Abdı Hared

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

2018

AnkaraEmbassyPublic diplomacy+7

Development of commercial diplomacy: A comparative analysis of Turkish embassy in belgrade and Serbian embassy in Ankara

The study of international relations and cooperation among countries is constantly attracting the attention of various scholars across different disciplines. Evaluation of the administrative and cooperative performance of two Embassies, Serbian in Ankara and Turkish in Belgrade seek to explain the field of commercial diplomacy used in practice. This research comprehends three different areas: administration, commercial diplomacy and international trade. All areas are closely bonded through the work of the Embassies. Having in mind that Serbia and Turkey stay on opposite level of development, this research aims to give first of all a comparison between the work of the embassies of these two countries, then through that work explain the field of commercial diplomacy and its development. As the new field has not been investigated deeply until now, the research can represent also a new reference for the area. With commercial diplomacy, questions of trade between countries, its amount and development will provide a wider picture of the current progress in the bilateral relations. The research has been done by using a qualitative method with questionnaires and expert interviews and by reviewing academic materials and using official government information regarding trade relations between countries. The aim of this research is to discover activities of the commercial diplomacy that are being executed from the diplomatic missions in the world of international trade between Serbia and Turkey. Results that this research show is a genuine disbalance between the two countries, where the developed Turkey has an important advantage in the work, in contrast to Serbia that uses all available means to improve and accelerate progress, with an obvious success. Key words: Commercial Diplomacy, Embassy, International Trade, Administration, Turkey,Serbia

Dragana Meljnıkov

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

2019

CohabitationDivided governmentGovernments+3

Institutional dilemma in semi-presidentialism: The Mongolian case

This study examines the effect of semi-presidentialism on institutional dilemmas and instabilities in the Mongolian case. Semi-presidentialism creates different effects on the form of the state structure in the process of democratic transition and consolidation. In this context, the main argument is whether semi-presidentialism creates institutional stability and supports democracy by keeping institutional dilemmas as low as possible or, on the contrary, semi-presidentialism exacerbates institutional dilemmas, creating political instability and collapsing democracy. This system creates main four situations: cohabitation, a divided minority government, a divided government, and a unified majority government depending on the results of the presidential and parliamentary elections. Therefore, the main research question is defined that "What are the interrelationships of the main factors affecting institutional dilemmas in the semi-presidential system?". These situations affect institutional dilemmas between the president, parliament, and government institutions. Most of the post-communist countries that experienced a democratic transition since the 1990s chose a semi-presidential system including Mongolia. The study covers four situations of semi-presidentialism that occurred in Mongolia from 1992 to 2020. Overall, institutional dilemmas led to government instability but did not lead to the retreat or collapse of democracy. Key Words: Institutional Dilemma, Cohabitation, Divided Government, Divided Minority Government, Mongolia, Semi-presidentialism, and Unified Majority Government.

Uurtsaikh Batbayar

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

An alternative approach to toleration: Eric Voegelin

This dissertation is a study of toleration concept in the political thought of the German émigré American political philosopher, Eric Voegelin (1901-1985). Voegelin, whose work deals with social and political crisis of the twentieth century is not a commonly referred name when subjects such as toleration and pluralism and multiculturalism are discussed. However, this study argues that Voegelin not only greatly broadens our understanding of history of toleration and but also an alternative theory of toleration could be derived from his works: An intriguing alternative theory of toleration to the value-neutral, pragmatic toleration of liberalism. The study examines Voegelin's unique critique of liberal theory and its use of toleration which he considers a part of the problem of current modern society. The study also explores Voegelin's definition of toleration and his argument for restoring society to a concept of truth. Voegelin considers tolerance as a balance of consciousness: A balance between silence and the expression of knowledge about reality. Man can express the truth in various ways, but everybody shares the same "silence" and the only possible approach to the incomprehensible is one that is beyond all symbolization. Despite the differences, the recognition of what men share is very significant. Voegelin notes that in its original and historical meaning toleration does not mean indifferentism. That type of tolerance creates a polis "fit for pigs." Tolerance in contrast ought to be an attempt to understand the true religion, which is represented by historical religions despite their symbolical differences. Another focus of this study is Jean Bodin's defense of toleration, which has been largely neglected by political philosophers, is of fundamental importance for Voegelin's subsequent theory of toleration. Bodin represents the true religion amid the civilizational disorder of the post-Christian era. Bodin developed his defense of toleration largely in "Colloquium Heptaplomeres" (Colloquium of the Seven). Colloquium Heptaplomeres is a dialogue between men of seven different faiths. A Catholic, A Jew, a philosophic naturalist a Lutheran, a Calvinist, a skeptic and a Muslim try to find answers about the problems of the creation of universe, the problem of man and his quest for God and true religion. Bodin does not seek consensus among these different speakers. Bodin sees religious truth as complex whole. It's a unity based on multiplicity.

İbrahim Kılınç

WesternizationModernizationConservatism+3

Türk modernleşmesi ve muhafazakârlığı serüveni: Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar

Ottoman society, which is accepted to have entered the process of westernization and modernization with the Tanzimat, also entered literary genres that were not in its own tradition, such as theatre and novels, during this process. With these translation activities, the world of culture and thought of the period was shaken by new concepts and ideas. The Young Turk movement started to shape Ottoman literary life in the 1890s, and it became possible for young people to somehow understand what was going on in Europe by reading articles in the foreign press. In the first quarter of the 20th century, perspectives criticizing modernism from within the West emerged in European political thought. One of these critics, Bergson, advocated continuity in change by using the concepts of reason versus intuition and time versus duration with his views outside the central axis of Western thought. Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar, who was affected by this situation, also wrote articles against the radical transformations of the Turkish Republic in his literary writings—referring to the necessity of living in peace with the past, maintaining the historical heritage, and protecting the values that makeup society, Tanpınar believes in the correctness of continuing by changing and transforming by continuing. Tanpınar has emphasized in almost all his works that modernization divides the minds of Turkish society into two and that this division creates a duality problem in the lives of individuals. This shift in civilization, as well as being trapped between the East and the West, has resulted in mental hybridity and depression in the individual. Reading and evaluating Tanpınar's works in this way will be instrumental in a better understanding of Turkish society. Therefore, it would be proper understanding to accept Tanpınar as a "thinker" beyond or blended with his artist/poet personality.

Sertaç Yürük

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

YoungsYouthYouth branches+4

Conventional vs nonconventional forms of political participation: Motivations behind political participation of youth in Turkey

This study examines the young people's motivations behind political participation in Turkey. The basic aim is to study and analyze the different forms of political participation; conventional forms and nonconventional forms of political participation, and see if there is any similarities or differences among the young members of these two modes of political participation. The research question is developed as "What are the differences of basic motivations of the young people who are the members of political parties' youth branches and members of civil society organizations in Turkey?" I assume that there are seven basic motivations for young people to participate in political parties and civil society in Turkey namely citizenship, social capital, personal interests, family, social media, party identity/leader and social environment, and their importance changes in these two cases. I stated seven hypothesis based on these motivations, and evaluate their validity with the field research. The universe of the study is set as the members of youth branches of AK Party and CHP, and GoFor. I decided my sample to cover 10 members from each organization, and these members are selected from the executive members. The content is scanned and analyzed via MaxQDA 2018 software. Based field research on motivations of youth members of political parties, and GoFor, I find that party identity is the leading motivation for the young members of AK Party, while it is the personal interest in the case of CHP, and GoFor. For political parties, social capital seems to be the least chosen motivation, while it is the social environment in the case of GoFor.

Özge Öz Döm

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University

Community housesHegemonyPolitical culture+7

Culture construction through Halkevleri of Türkiye during the single-party period: A comparative study

This study deals with the culture construction process within the scope of citizen construction during the single-party period in Turkey, through the analysis of Halkevleri. A case study on Halkevleri is introduced with a theoretical basis over the issues of culture, the relationship between culture and politics, hegemony as a political struggle in the cultural sphere, and the contributions of culture to the nation-building process. Since Halkevleri had a critical position in both adult education and cultural education in the single-party period, it has been chosen for his study which is designed to build a cultural construction analysis. This study takes the analysis of Halkevleri in its first period between 1932-1951 into account. Since it is nearly impossible to reach the actors of the aforementioned period directly today, the study covers a historical perspective. In this regard, based on a qualitative method, the study tries to submit its claim through both a comparative analysis from an external example and a content analysis applied to the parliamentary records specific to Halkevleri. The second case analysis that will contribute to the comparative perspective is Dopolavoro culture organization established in 1925 in Italy. The reason why Dopolavoro is included in this study as a comparative unit stems from the fact that it was established with similar motives in similar periods with Halkevleri. It is also known that Dopolavoro had a widely accepted reputation as a success in cultural organizations around the world. The originality of the contributions throughout the study is not that all. The study also includes the content analysis obtained as a result of the examination of the records on the issue of Halkevleri, which were determined in 201 out of 1703 meetings in the six periods between 1932-1951 throughout TBMM database. The study tries to answer the following questions: How did the tools of culture construction through Halkevleri work in Turkey? How did the efforts to establish culture through Halkevleri find a social response? And how could this be measured? Focusing on culture construction by the state during the single-party period and the social response, this study aims to prove that the rapid changes to which cultural motives are subjected may not be accepted by the whole society and the citizens may not be transformed at the level as desired by the regime. A mixed method has been applied throughout the study, to achieve this result. Keywords: Culture, power, Halkevleri, hegemony, citizen construction, content analysis, comparative analysis.

Hazan Güler Sarı

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

AzerbaijanEconomyArmenia+7

China as the rising power in the world hegemony and its influence on the South Caucasus region

The long history of China and its ambitions on future world hegemony proves the importance of research about the current power of China, its relationship with leading states such as the United States and Russia, and its impact on specific areas like the South Caucasus region. It should be noted that the rising power and concrete position of China in the mentioned regions cannot be limited within economic or other aspects of authority. For that reason,the capacity of China to have the specific effect on the two central hegemonic powers and the South Caucasus territory is cleared throughout the thesis in different directions of potency such as economy, soft power, political relations and others. Before that, the evolution and historical aspect of China's economic, inner political and foreign policy system is investigated to understand the progress from the early times of the twentieth century. Moreover, the progressive development of China's role in the world hegemony, the relationships among China, the United States and Russia, and its appearance in the South Caucasus territory, especially in the case of Azerbaijan are analyzed with the help of some predictions based on relevant facts. The main goal of the research is to examine the evolutionary history, the current and future role of China in the hegemonic world system, and its central position in the South Caucasus regions, in the case of correlation with the related countries. In addition to the economic and political presence of China in the South Caucasus, its soft power policy over the countries within this region is researched to bring the situation into the open. Some challenges on this road, such as Russia andthe USA power dilemma are the main critical points throughout inquiry as well. All these analyses help to elucidate some obscurities about the concerning issue and give some prognosis on the future threats and possibilities.

Nılufar Ahmadova

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

The HouthisPolitical instabilitySaudi Arabia+3

Politicale instability in Yemen 1962-2014

What Yemenis are experiencing today from wars, conflicts, famine, and disease is the inevitable result of political instability for a long time. This article elaborates on the main dilemmas in the political instability in Yemen and proposes appropriate solutions. In fact, there are many reasons that led to the absence of political stability in Yemen, such as separatist calls in southern Yemen and Al-Qaeda wars. Yemeni tribes stand as a parallel political system to the Yemeni government because the Yemeni tribe has most of the state's elements such as power, weapons, and money. The dynastic sectarian calls for the Imamate and the class like the Hashemite family claiming the right to rule Yemen simply because they related to the Prophet Muhammad. As a result, they led several wars against the Yemenis starting from the six wars in Sa'ada governorate, which lasted for six years and ended with the coup in September 2014.

Sohaıb Abdulhameed Abdulsalam Shamsan

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

NationNationalismTurkish thought history+1

Mefkure mi aksiyon mu: Türkiye'de milliyetçilik düşüncesinin gelişiminde Mehmet İzzet Bey

In this thesis, after examining nationalism conceptually and theoretically, the adventure of nationalism in the history of Turkish thought is discussed and the views of Mehmet İzzet Bey, a thinker who witnessed the transformation processes of nationalism, were analyzed. Nationalism has experienced radical changes in both thought and fact. As a result of the changes in the meaning and manner of realization, nationalism has moved away from its original context. Nationalism was reinterpreted, especially in times of crisis and chaos, under the influence of different approaches. The understanding of ummah-based nationalism that emerged in the history of Turkish thought in the 1860s has turned into a homeland-based nationalism over time. Later, a nationality / race-based approach came to the fore. With the establishment of the Turkish Republic, nationalism has been turned into an ideology by Kemalism. As to today, nationalism is perceived in a very different way. This context-based transformation has removed the notion of nationalism from its core. Intellectual nationalism deals with nationalism conceptually and theoretically with an academic method. Mehmet İzzet Bey is the pioneer of intellectual nationalism. He treats nationalism as a stage that must take place before reaching the humanitarian patriotism stage. He regards nationality and nationalism as a higher notion than race, geography, economics, language, tradition, history, and civilization. Mehmet İzzet Bey and his intellectual understanding of nationalism have been ignored because it addresses nationalism regardless of politics and context. Philosophical debates were not considered remarkable by the society and intellectuals when a hasty approach to seek solutions to current problems. In this study, it was revealed that Mehmet İzzet Bey was as valuable as many names such as Ziya Gokalp, Yusuf Akçura, Ismail Gaspıralı for Turkish thought. Mehmet İzzet Bey, who defines nationalism as a sacred goal, is an intellectual who is uncommon even today with his critical and questioning thought method. The views of Mehmet İzzet Bey should be introduced to the world in order to understand nationalism correctly and find a useful direction to humanity.

Mehmet Ali Akkuş

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences

CoalitionCoalition governmentMovement of National Idea+4

Türkiye'de siyasi uzlaşma ve koalisyonlar: Milli Görüş örneği

Democracy, which has become the unique source of legitimacy for governments, needs infrastructure elements as well as its formal institutions. Political culture is regarded as the critical element of this infrastructure. Similarly, "Political compromise" is a crucial element of the political culture that is "favourable for democracy." The assumption that "Turkey has a weak culture of political compromise" is prevalent. According to this view, it has a confrontational and polarized culture resulting from ideological, ethnic, and religious distinctions. Turkey's democracy, until a few years ago, has implemented a parliamentary system that tends to produce coalitions. Since compromise lies at the heart of coalitions, the study of coalitions is convenient for analysing the culture of political compromise. According to the general view, Turkey's coalition governments are like the mirror of said culture of conflict. The starting point of this study is the objection to this generalization. The study's central assumption is that Milli Görüş has a distinctive compromising character compared to other political actors and has revealed it in the coalitions it took part in. The study's research question was developed as "What are the indicators and reasons for Milli Görüş movement to have a distinctive compromising character? Around this pivotal problem, other questions arose from it are identified as sub-problems to be investigated: Why political compromise is significant for democracies; to what extent has the culture of political compromise developed in Turkey; what kind of characteristic/difference does the Milli Görüş movement have in this cultural environment; how this difference manifested itself in the four coalitions of Milli Görüş; and which factors may count for this distinctive compromising character? In this context, the analysis of Milli Görüş coalitions from the perspective of political compromise was determined as the study's focal point, whereas valid answers were tried to be obtained for other problem areas. The study consists of six chapters apart from the introduction and conclusion sections. The first of these chapters is devoted to the basic concepts on which the study is built; the second part to Milli Görüş; three, four, and fifth chapters to Milli Görüş coalitions; the last part to the question of how and why Milli Görüş is of compromising character. Thus, a conceptual framework has been created in the first chapter, while the basic data of the thesis have been presented in the following four chapters, and the analysis and evaluation of the data have been made in the last chapter. In the collection of study data, alongside the literature search, it has been benefited mainly from the minutes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, the reports of the major media outlets, and interviews conducted with representatives of Milli Görüş. With these semi-structured interviews, the views and understanding of distinguished members of the movement who had served in various influential positions of the parties since the 1970s, including Chairman, minister, general secretary, deputy, were tried to be detected. The results obtained from the data presented in the study seem to be compatible with the basic assumption of the study. Coalitions in which Milli Görüş took part in (1974 CHP-MSP Coalition; 1975 AP-MSP-CGP-MHP Coalition; 1977 AP-MSP-MHP Coalition; 1996 RP-DYP Coalition) showed that this movement had a remarkable difference in terms of political compromise. Many events and developments in the process of establishment, functioning, and dissolution of these coalitions make it possible to see this compromising character. Meanwhile, one dimension of this compromising character is related to non-political actors, namely the military, and this dimension is mentioned as the occasion arose. As the factors that count for this compromising character, the temperament and upbringing milieu of the leader; the Islamic understanding of the movement; rational (realistic and pragmatic) strategy; and the understanding of nationalism with the sensitivity of national unity has been determined.

Halit Tunçkaşık

Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University · Institute of Graduate Studies in Social Sciences