Theses supervised by Prof. Dr. Birol Akgün
10 theses · Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University
Isis: The political history of the messianic violent non-state actor in Syria
This thesis discusses ISIS within the context of violent non-state actors; analyzes historical, ideological and operational roots and features of the group in Syria; and positions ISIS within the matrix of the conflicting parties in Syria. Although there are aspects of ISIS which do not fully overlap with the definitions of the VNSA, ISIS is still an organisation that is on the border of holding qualities of a state in the Westphalian sense. ISIS is the pinnacle of the Salafi-jihadism and takfiri-messianism, and a living example of the Salafi-jihadi's power of transformation according to changing dynamics on the ground. The group has been particularly skillful in benefitting from chaos by filling in the vacuum left by the failed states, Syria and Iraq. The group's groundwork was laid down by Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi, who differed both practically and ideologically from Al-Qaeda. The differences between the Al-Zarqawi and Bin Laden schools morphed into active conflict in later periods; as ISIS consolidated its power and began dominating the Salafi-jihadi community. This thesis demonstrates that ISIS is not a part of the Syrian insurgency against the Assad regime. Rather, it has maintained a separate agenda from the Syrian armed opposition, which has been trying to topple the Assad regime but stay within the existing system. ISIS, to the contrary, rejects the system both politically and territorially in its entirety, and aims to establish a caliphate which has no geographical constraints or limits.
İran's foreign policy towards shiite groups in the Middle East: The case of Lebanon and Iraq
This thesis discusses Iran's foreign policy against the Shia groups in the Middle East using Iraq and Lebanon as a base. The study analyzes the post-revolutionary regional dynamics and the Shia strategy of Iran until now. Iran's politics in Iraq, is supported by Hezbollah from Lebanon, Yemen and Bahrain politics have been emerged in the interest of Iran. Moreover, the effect of the Velayat-e Faqih theory in Iranian foreign policy was examined. As a hypothesis, a question emerges; how does Iran affect the states like Iraq and Lebanon while the majority of the people are Shia? As an argument, we can say Iran's political activity in Iraq and Lebanon and the continuation of penetration into the states of the Arab Gulf States such as Bahrain and Yemen in that majority of the people are Shia. On the other hand, Iran's reconciliation of sectarian cultural richness with the concept of the Velayat-e Faqih and imposing it on Shiites as a norm had created a strong state model (vision) for the Shiites in the region. The distinctive factor of the Khomeini revolution was the impressive power that will evoke the existed Shia groups until the time of revolution. After the process of normalization of domestic politics, the revolution could not stay in its own shell and began to spread. Revolutionary principles and the success due to the power of Khomeini gained recognition by Shia groups which are close to Iran. Revolutionary principles have made itself felt in many places, including the Gulf States. Moreover, Iran uses its foreign political tools perfectly. As forementioned, Iran uses political tools such as military, cultural, religious education, social support, finance and other political instruments. The usage of these political tools depends on the geopolitical and strategic position of the Shia groups. For example; In Azerbaijan, Turkey, Kuwait and other countries, religious education is used as a political tool to influence Shiites. However, in countries such as Lebanon, Yemen, Iraq and Bahrain, Iran uses the power management. In addition, Iran has established tremendous intelligence networks in every country where it has political interest. On the other hand, the Supreme Leader has appointed representatives to the areas where Shiites live. Keywords: Shi' ism, Iranian Shiites, Velayat-e Faqih, Iraqi Shia groups, Lebanese Shia groups
Counterterrorism strategy in civil war context: The case of al-Qaedaism
This thesis evaluates the radicalization strategies of fundamentalist groups in civil war and war-torn areas, by examining the ideological arguments of al-Qaeda. Three issues are identified and systematizes within the study. Firstly, inter-state conflicts have continued to rapidly evolve into new types of wars in the post-Cold War period, with conflicting groups strengthening their legitimacy in the social sphere due to their administrative capacities. Thus, an essential objective of this thesis has been to clarify the rebel governance dynamics of those fundamentalist structures that are active in war and conflict zones. Secondly, this dissertation aims to illustrate how those fundamentalist groups that relate to the Al-Qaeda thought system have used the Sunni paradigm to increase their legitimacy both locally and globally. Additionally, the most frequently mentioned religious doctrines, schools, and thinkers associated with al-Qaeda have been presented in detail regarding the Civil War context. Thirdly and lastly, the research examined the extent to which contemporary counter-terrorism strategies are insufficient in the context of al-Qaedaism, and how their design reduces the impact of ideological approaches to neutralize terrorism. In this context, the thesis evaluates how al-Qaedaism's three basic radicalization tools (meta-narratives, symbolic process, apocalyptic point of view) used to fuel a war and conflict environment, can be applied against them ideologically (delegitimization, counter-narrative and pluralist point of view) to limit individuals participating in the organization. In this framework, it has been argued that the basic parameters that shape Al-Qaeda's global political agenda are not only associated with terrorism, but also inform rebel governance and religious references and values.
Perceptions of the foreign policies of France and Turkey in francophone Africa: An elite perspective of cameroon and cote d'ivoire
This thesis attempts to explain how the external perceptions of a state's foreign policy tells of its effectiveness bearing in mind that the most frequently used categories are policy effectiveness in terms of 'goal attainment' and in terms of 'problem-solving'. As such, given a changing global environment, developing capabilities and priorities, France and Turkey are currently re-evaluating their role in the world in the 21st century, adjusting their foreign policies in many areas, not least in Africa, but more particularly in French-Speaking African Countries (FSACs). Within this context, the foreign policy activism and influence of France or Turkey in Africa have respectively been one of the hotly debated topics since the early 2000s. But there have been few systematic attempts to test the relevant proposition of this debate. This research, therefore, sets out in an effort to test the French and Turkish 21st-century influence or effectiveness thesis within a particular region: Francophone Africa (FrA). To test this foreign policy influence requires addressing two fundamental questions: What respectively justifies France's or Turkey's active re-engagement and engagement in FrA in the 21st century and how either state's new foreign policy orientation is perceived by Francophone African Elites (FAE) External Perception is the most distinctive feature of the study, given the fact that the opinions and perceptions of FAE on the foreign policies of these two powers on the continent will be studied for the first time. In effect, positive perceptions may enhance positive policy effectiveness and negative perceptions may translate a decrease in influence or generate resentment. Nevertheless, a positive external perception does not necessarily translate positive policy effectiveness. Within this framework, the thesis scrutinizes the assumption that understanding how a state is seen by the outsiders and how these perceptions are shaped are of huge concern to the state itself in terms of the practice of state policy-making, policy implementation as well as policy effectiveness within the development of the foreign policy analysis discipline. To this end, this research employed an eclectic method of investigation, with the combination of descriptive and historical methods of data collection. A cross-country survey was conducted by the mixed-mode method including Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (CATI) and Face-to-Face Interviewing (F2F) of Elites. CATI and F2F were conducted on two (2) Francophone-African Countries (Cameroon and Côte d'Ivoire). With particular emphasis on some selected foreign policy areas of French and Turkish endeavours in Africa and through a constructivist theory, while using a well-defined analytical framework and a process-tracing methodological approach to assess the perceptions FAE, the measurement of the effectiveness of the foreign policy's of either powers in this thesis suggests the following findings: There is a direct co-relation between the ideas that shaped FAE perceptions at time t-1 and the revealed perceptions at the time t and maybe in future at the time t+1. Hence, the perspectives of FAE on France and Turkey in the 21st century are shaped by endogenous and exogenous sources or ideas. Consequently, while France is a status-quo state with a Negative African elite (external) perception of its Foreign Policy in FSACs, but with an adequate effectiveness in areas such as: security, promotion of international fundamental values and promotion economic development and trade, Turkey on its part is perceived as a revisionist state with a Positive African elite (external) perception of its Foreign Policy and an effectiveness in the promotion of human dignity, south-south development cooperation, investment and humanitarianism, but with a limited effectiveness in areas such as: fight against international terrorism, promotion of international fundamental values and promotion economic development. Since external perceptions do matter to either state as they need to know how their activities are perceived so as to address or redress their foreign policies accordingly, this research outlines two important contributions that could enhance positive outcomes on the future of Franco-African and Turco-African relations: the implementation of an overarching Public Diplomacy strategy and a Triangular cooperation. Keywords: Foreign Policy Effectiveness, External Perception, Image theory, Francophone Africa, France, Turkey, Cameroon, Cote d'Ivoire
The institutional evolution of Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its role in foreign policy decision-making process
The Ottoman State had adopted 'unilateral diplomacy' for a long time and avoided reciprocity. However, in the historical process, there had been breaks that required a new diplomatic understanding/attitude. Therefore, the Ottoman Empire had adopted 'mutual diplomacy' in the last decade of the eighteenth century and sent permanent ambassadors to the European capitals. In this sense, this thesis attempts to understand the reasons of changing diplomatic methods and understanding of the Ottoman State and modern republican era. Moreover, the thesis claims that adapting new concept of diplomacy and its practices were mostly result of two level of analysis: internal and external factors. The thesis argues that these changes of diplomatic understanding that occurred at two level of analysis paved the way for institutionalization of foreign policy and diplomacy, which culminated in the establishment of Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1836. At this point, the thesis reveals that the 'changes' and 'continuities' in the institutional structure of the ministry also took place at two levels of analysis. This newly institutionalized diplomatic and foreign policy understanding increasingly became more effective in foreign policy decision-making process and has left the organizational memory and the tradition of institutional structure to the modern Turkey. Herein, the thesis affirms that in the early Republican era, particularly in single-party period, although the primary objectives of foreign policy remained almost the same with that of the last century of Ottoman Empire, the role of the ministry in foreign policy decision-making process weakened. Furthermore, the thesis tries to show forth that the ultimate decision unit and the role of the ministry in foreign policy have varied with changing time and issue not only in the period of Ottomans but also in the Republican Era as well. KEY WORDS: Foreign Policy, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Decision-Making Process, Ottomans, Republic of Turkey BİRKAN, Onur MA, Department of Political International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Birol Akgün June 2019
Uluslararası sistemde Müslüman dünyasının temsilinde bir rol arayışı: İslam İşbirliği Teşkilatı (İİT) örneği
Whether the Muslim world can be used as an analytical unit in the post-Ottoman / post-Caliphate era or not is seriously debated in terms of international system. The main aim of this thesis is to explore the Muslim world / Islamic societies in search of a proper role in international system. Terrorist organizations, such as Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which are produced by the chaos of especially 9/11, Afghanistan, Iraq War and Syria, are carrying the Muslim world to the agenda of the international community again. This study is an attempt to provide an insight to understand the role of the Muslim world with the context of discussing Islamic society. This thesis is to discuss how the Muslim world is represented or to adopt an appropriate role in the Western-based international system through the case of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Furthermore, the present and potential role of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) concerning representing the Muslim world is discussed, and it is concluded that the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) does not represent the Muslim world sufficiently and strongly.
Conflict prevention and the UN Peacekeeping Operations in West Africa: A contingency-based approach applied to UNOCI and MINUSMA
This study aims to analyse the contingency-based approach in the UN Peacekeeping Operations in West Africa, and how that could contribute to preventing conflict in the sub-region1. There are three variables in this study: UN peacekeeping, conflict prevention and the contingency-based approach. To study the subject, we used mixed approaches: qualitative and quantitative to collect the data from the literature, the official reports of the UN and the survey, in order to see how far a situational-oriented model matters in the Mission`s Mandate for containing conflict and to prevent future escalation. The stratified simple random technique was used to design the study population, which was composed of civilians, the personnel of the UN and some political figures. And the arithmetic mean, frequencies and percentage values are used to analyse the survey datasets. We developed the six scales from Diehl's 1988-1996 models to frame our analytical concepts and to prepare the survey questionnaires. The questionnaires were distributed to 3000 participants: 1500 respondents from Côte d`Ivoire and 1500 respondents from Mali. The six scales are2: (1) If the Mandate responds to the basic causes of the conflict, (2) if the key players of the conflict are involved in peace negotiations. If the UN peace mission led to (3) facilitating conflict resolution, (4) making conflict containment, (5) limiting causalities and armed conflict, (6) contributing to national peace and security nexus to international peace and security. The findings showed that the context of each conflict was different; the call for Ivoirity3 and ethno-religious political propaganda had driven tensions and post-election political violence in Côte d`Ivoire, while the lack of social justice, marginalization or political exclusion and radicalization were key factors to the rise of the Tuareg rebellion in the northern regions of Mali. The results indicate that 75 per cent of the study population sees that the Mandate of UNOCI was designed contingently to respond to the basic causes of conflict in Côte d`Ivoire, while 70 percent of the respondents think that the Mandate of the MINUSMA was not the case. From the findings, we can observe that 42 per cent of the respondents are undecided if the peace process in Mali should include the radical Islamic groups, and 20 per cent of the respondents express that they should be included. Meanwhile, the respondents are positive that key conflict parties were involved in the peace process in Côte d`Ivoire and that played a key role to enforce the relative peace. And most of the respondents agree that the UNOCI operation led to conflict resolution, conflict containment, limiting causes and armed conflict, and contributed to restoring peace and security in Côte d`Ivoire. However, the respondents are pessimists regarding the MINUSMA operation and its ability to restore peace and to prevent conflict in Mali. To conclude, the findings revealed that the UNOCI mandate was contingent and its operation was responding to the realities of the conflict in Côte d`Ivoire and that contributed to its success, while the MINUSMA operation and its Mandate are not fitting the concepts of conflict in Mali. Therefore, we summed up that: to better prevent conflict in West Africa; the managerial style of the UN Peacekeeping Operations should be contingent and situational-oriented. Keywords: Conflict Prevention, Peacekeeping Operations, UN, UNOCI, MINUSMA, Mali, Côte d`Ivoire.
The role of presidents in foreign policy making since the foundation of Turkish Republic
In the wake of Cold War changing dynamics of international politics bring about diversification of determinants of foreign policy. Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) provides an opportunity for analyzing the diversification by opening the "black-box" of the state. However, in the studies related with Turkish foreign policy, attempts to open the black-box the remain incapable in order to meet requirements of the diversification. The main concentration of the research is to fill the deficiency in the literature by investigating how a foreign policy output is shaped regarding role of the institutions and domestic powers. The study aims to investigate influence of the Presidents on foreign policy decision making and emphasize changing of the influence from a president to other president based on legal context within frame of authority given by the constitutions and balance of domestic political context involving de facto situation materialized beyond legal conditions. In addition, the presumption that the leadership styles of the Presidents shape their impact on the process will be discussed by using the leadership profile analysis method.
State behavior of an efficacious actor in the time of global power transition: A case study of Turkey in the post-cold war era
This doctoral thesis examines the role of middle powers in academic literature as a departure point to analyze Turkey's case study in the post-Cold War Era. According to a vast amount of data and research, the analysis demonstrates that Turkey's categorization as a middle power does not do justice to the kind of transformation and image construction of the Turkish state since the end of the Cold War. The changes unfolding across the region and the international system in the aftermath of the Cold War have impacted the geopolitical landscape around Turkey leading to the development for it to become a catalyzer for the evolutionary change Turkey's image has undergone since the 1990s up to 2020 as analyzed under three periods. This change, hence, transformation is examined in this thesis through Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) as a means to explain the shift in identity and how the image construction has been an integral part of domestic political revision that continue to translate into the international vis a vis the interaction between the state actor, the state and the system as part of the Waltzian analysis. In this framework, international organizations serve as an opportunity space in which this interaction is made possible where Turkey is analyzed in its attempt to match discourse and material capabilities of the state to put pressure on the existing structure of the international system to reform. This is to say that in order to move towards a just and equity-based international system it must be inclusive and benefit many instead of the few where there can be equal reprsentation within the economic and security pie of the global community across international institutions. Therefore, this doctoral thesis offers a fresh insight to explain that Turkey no longer fits into the classification of middle powermanship requiring a new kind of power identification as the efficacious actor. The reason that calls for a new conceptualization is due to Cold War conditions' insufficiency to explain Turkey's new position in international politics. As such, this calls for new parameters to be explored under this particular new conceptualization. The thesis argues for a new type of conceptualization to describe Turkey's efforts to reform the world by presenting a moral and humanitarian approach. The discourse analysis provides a window of opportunity to examine Turkey's narrative of universal values couched within freedom, democracy and justice principles as part of the TFP agenda to offer its rare experience in the post-Cold War Era for other nation-states to adopt, emulate and contextualize within their own narratives in the struggle for democratization, emancipation and fair representation across international institutions. The nexus of International Relations theories, history, sociology and the overarching perspective on the deteriorating situation of the international "liberal world order" under the light of Wallerstein's world system analysis provides a global panorama of the many values and norms the international system lacks to realize as a result of conflicts, wars, ideological disagreements and injustices across humanity that this thesis aimed to discover. The outcome of this analysis is premised on the nature of the competing civilizational experiences aiming to shape the emerging multipolar world order in the post-Cold War era where the ideational coupled with material capabilities can be a source of power for actors like Turkey ventoring to re-write a geopolitical narrative for itself within its neighborhood and across the global community through the role of international organizations and platforms at large. Keywords: neorealism, neoliberalism, constructivism, efficacious, Muslim, moral, humanitarian, geowelfare
Transformation of national identity, geopolitics and nation building in sub-saharan Africa: The Cases of Cameroon and Senegal
This dissertation examines the evolving nature of national identity and its significance to geopolitics and nation building in Cameroon and Senegal. Within the current global context, previous theories and scholars failed to explain how the recent changes in national identity informs the choice of geopolitics and the international identity of Cameroon and Senegal. It is against this backdrop that this research sought to ascertain the extent to which changes in national identity have transcended national borders and spilled over to the geopolitical landscape. The research particularly focused on how the elites and the public in Cameroon and Senegal perceive their national identity and geopolitics. The study hypothesized that the change in elite and public perception of national identity has meant that a different version of geopolitics and international identity has emerged in both postcolonial states. The research formulated a conceptual of "strategic identity" that comprehensively explain the evolving nature of national identity and geopolitics in postcolonial African states. The conceptual framework was formulated based on my own propositions and those of earlier scholars on constructivism and realist approach on strategic culture. The concept of strategic identity symbolizes a new type of national and international identity different from that inherited from colonial counterparts. This research relied on mixed-method techniques which combines elements of qualitative and quantitative methods. The mixed-method approach was supported by a comparative case study, alongside content and discourse analytical techniques. The analysis focused in the period before and after globalization. The outcome of the analysis revealed the extent to which changes in national identity have transcended national borders and influence the choice of geopolitics in Cameroon and Senegal. Though the outcome of the analysis showed that in recent years changes in national identity have transcended national borders and spilled over to the geopolitical landscape, comparatively, it was established that Senegal has assumed a more dynamic image and position in geopolitics than Cameroon. Her recent dynamic and versatile image account for the new type national identity theorized in this dissertation as a form of strategic identity. The study also highlighted the challenges and significance of strategic identity to issues of growth, nation and peace building. The research concluded by explaining how the findings contribute to knowledge and add a new dimension to the existing literature of identity politics in post-colonial African states, especially Cameroon and Senegal.