Mülteci yanlısı politikaları desteklemede popülizm, kimlik ve liderlik: Sosyal kimlik yaklaşımı

The role of national identification, identity-leadership, and populist attitudes on the attitudes towards refugee policies regarding Syrian refugees in Turkey constitutes a unique case for Turkey, when compared with European and Northern American based research: i) While studies focusing on the relationship between populism – identity – refugees mostly focus on right-wing populist and anti-refugee opposition parties who are against mainstream ruling parties representing liberal democracy, this thesis focusing the links between populism, identity, leadership and attitudes towards refugee policies in the context of populism in power case, Turkey; ii) While studies Europe and Northern American research are focusing on the populism-identity-refugee policy link in contexts where host community and refugees often have conflicting religious identities (i.e., Christian natives vs. Muslim refugees), this thesis is testing the role of national identification, identity-leadership, and populist attitudes on the host community members' support for pro-refugee policies in a context where most of host community and refugees share the religious superordinate identity (e.g., Muslim identity). In addition to these contextual novelties, I used individual-centered (e.g., latent profile analysis) and variable-centered (moderated mediation) analysis together and performed two cross-sectional survey studies (N1 = 190; N2 = 306) targeting two different samples (student and online community sample). Results showed that there is a strong negative relationship between national identification and supporting pro-refugee policies. Findings also implied that the populist-nationalist leadership have two conflicting impacts on the attitudes towards policies about Syrian refugees. While support for a populist leader who is seen as responsible for refugee policies in Turkey directly predicted support for pro-refugee policies, it indirectly and negatively predicted the support for pro-refugee policies through national identification. Moreover, I found that populist attitudes moderated the relationship between national identification and support for pro-refugee policies. The negative effect of national identification on support for pro-refugee policies was its highest level when combined with higher populist attitudes. This finding contributes to the populism literature that implicates populism becomes more concrete when combined with other thick-centered ideologies such as nationalism. Last, the latent profile analysis findings reveal that participants' levels of support for pro-refugee policies differ according to their levels of competitive victimhood and intergroup threat, as well as national identification. Participants with low levels of competitive victimhood and intergroup threat but high levels of national identification showed lower pro-refugee policy support than many participants who have high national identification but low competitive victimhood and intergroup threat.