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Arap Baharı sürecinde Hizbullah: Yerel milis gücünden bölgesel bir oyuncuya dönüşümü
Arap Baharı 2010 yılında başladığında Hizbullah, sokaktaki devrim hareketlerini memnuniyetle karşılamıştı. Tunus'ta ve Mısır'da dikdatörlerin düşmesi ile hızlanan süreçte geleneksel dini ve siyasal ideolojisi ile uyumlu bir tutum sergilemiştir. Hizbullah lideri Nasrallah, bu değişim sürecini Ortadoğu'nun kaderini değiştirecek önemli bir dönüşüm süreci olarak görerek, Mısır'da Hüsnü Mubarek'in düşmesi ile sonuçlanan sokak hareketlerinin en az Hizbullah'ın 2006'da İsrail'e karşı kazandığı zafer kadar önemli bir gelişme sayacaktır. Ancak, Arap Baharı'nın Suriye'ye sıçraması ile birlikte Hizbullah'ın tutumunda sert bir tavır değişikliğine gittiği görülmektedir. Bu noktada, Arap Baharı'nın başlangıcında Mısır ve Tunus'daki göstericileri diktatörlere karşı desteklemenin yanında halkın demokratik ve sosyo-ekonomik taleplerinin dikdatörler tarafından derhal yerine getirilmesi çağrısında bulunulurken, Suriye'de patlak veren iç savaş ile birlikte Hizbullah'ın Arap Baharı'na yönelik bakışında farklılıklar ortaya çıkacaktır. Hizbullah, bölgede ABD ve İsrail'e karşı oluşturulan "direniş ekseninin" önemli bir parçası olarak gördüğü Suriye'de durumun farklı olduğunu, ortaya çıkan karışıklığın ana amacının Suriye'de rejim değişikliğinin tesis edilerek bölgedeki direniş ekseninin parçalanmasına yönelik İsrail'in çıkarları endeksli bir Batı projesinin uygulanmaya sokulması olduğunu iddia edecektir. Bundan dolayı, Arap Baharı'nın gerçekleştiği diğer yerlerdeki göstericilere yönelik olumlu tutumun Suriye'deki muhaliflere karşı aynı şekilde tezahür etmediği yeni bir süreç yaşanacaktır. Suriye'deki muhalifler "ajan", "cihatçı" ya da "Amerikan maşası" olarak damgalanarak Hizbullah'ın geleneksel siyasi ideolojisinde önemli bir yer tutan "ezilenler" söyleminin örgütün Suriye'deki stratejik çıkarları söz konusu olduğunda bir tarafa koyulduğu ve daha çok mezhepsel aidiyet temelinde hareket edildiği yeni bir süreç yaşanacaktır. Hizbullah, Arap Baharı süresince etki alanını genişletmesi sadece Suriye ile sınırı kalmayacak Irak, Yemen, gibi ülkelerde de faaliyet gösteren önemli bir bölgesel oyuncu haline gelecektir. Anahtar Kelime: Hizbullah, Arap Baharı, devlet-dışı aktör, Suriye iç savaşı
The non-western modernization perspective: The case of Israel
'Non-Western modernity perspective' offers an alternative approach to understand modernity of non-Western societies, challenging the Eurocentric 'convergence thesis' which argues that modernization trajectory of societies is inscribed deterministically in historical trajectory of Western modernity and which is rooted at the heart of classical modernization theory (CMT) and the globalization discourse. The purpose of this study is to analyze a common belief that Israel is the only western country in the Middle East, and that is an outpost of western civilization from the perspective of modernization studies which examine changes taking place during the modernization process in a society. Starting with the pre-state period up to today, the study assesses Israeli case within three trajectories: economic, political (democratization) social (secularization) from a non-Western modernization perspective taking inspirations from multiple modernization paradigm (MMP) and the uneven and combined development (U&CD). After all, it was concluded that Israel is not a Western country, constituting a divergent modernization trajectory from that of the West within its own historical context, and that the idea of universal modernity is a myth as number of cases unveil a need for more comprehensive and non-determinist approaches. Key words: non-Western modernization, Israel, CMT, MMP, U&CD, economic development, democratization, secularization
2001 sonrası Afganistan'ın yeniden inşası: devlet, barış anlaşması ve ulusal güvensizlik
This thesis seeks to study why the United States, believed to be the world's superpower, had to start peace negotiations after 20 years of fighting with the Taliban, a terrorist organization which is not recognized by the US, to bring an official end to the longest war ever in American history. In other words, it seeks to figure out that what conditions/reasons managed to bring the US and the Taliban to the table to start peace negotiations entitled, "agreement for bringing peace in Afghanistan", after more than two decades of fighting, which resulted in death of thousands of innocent people in the country. Furthermore, the work examines the concept of proto-state (Daesh example) to demonstrate the characteristics of proto-state and elaborate whether the Taliban movement could be dealt as a proto-state. Following the conducted research, finally, the thesis reaches the following conclusions: (1) the Taliban is not the same group as it used to be in 1990s and early 2000s, now the movement is more organized, holding a clear strategy, fight, and talk, both on the table and in the ground, (2) the United States' incompetent/mistaken policies towards Afghanistan which are obviously failed and backfired in many circumstances.
Comparative analysis of democratic backsliding in Hungary and Turkey
This thesis aims to understand the reasons for democratic backsliding in Hungary and Turkey in terms of the similarities and differences considering the current theories; international pressure, political institutions, economic reasons, social alliance theory, polarization, and populism are aimed to reveal the similar and different sides of both countries. KEYWORDS: Hungary, Turkey, democratic backsliding, polarization, populism
Non-western international politics: Insights from Islamic and Chinese thought
What proposal can studies carried out by means of non-Western societies offer to the present regarding international politics? For the purpose of answering this question, the study will make an examination throughout of thinkers, concepts, case studies, and traditions of thought. Developing a proposed solution to the problem will unquestionably have to take place through awareness. In this regard, the study will consider modern political thought through the concepts of authority, legitimacy, nationalism, modernization, globalization, human rights, and global justice and mention the initiative of non-Western international relations theory, which draws attention to critical discourses on Western centrism in international politics and seeks to reveal new perspectives. This initiative also provides an opportunity to question the essence of international politics. This challenge emphasizes the necessity for multivocality and essentially needs to be convincing and to clarify its argument regarding the problematique. Thought traditions that have the potential to provide alternatives with their knowledge and experience have a critical position. The study will survey the possibility of the emergence of original and new perspectives in international politics using the Islamic and Chinese traditions of thought. The thought traditions that will be analyzed in the discourses to be produced for the crises and dilemmas in the present state of world order will have considerable influence, and the consequences of readdressing the core principles of thought traditions in international politics are intriguing. Keywords: non-Western international politics, Islamic and Chinese political thought, modernization, authority, legitimacy, nationalism, globalization, human rights, global justice.
Change in security perceptions after 9/11: A comparative study of Orientalism and Islamophobia between Turkey and France
This thesis aims to compare and discuss Orientalism and Islamophobia in Turkey and France with the help of Postcolonial Theory and seeks to prove that a primarily Muslim-populated country like Turkey can have Oriental discourses just like the European former colonial powers. Turkey, which is a country that saw France as its role model for being modern and elite, has many common sides to compare with France. They are known as countries with common aspects in history, rigid laicism was one of the examples. Today, they both have one of the largest migrant populations in Europe, which increased significantly after the 2011 Arab Spring. France was a mighty colonial power over many Middle Eastern and African countries and had a unique history of being a dominant global power until World War II. France's "colonial" attitude seems to continue today on issues from assimilation to integration of the Muslim community. On the other hand, Turkey with its increased immigrant population is having problems and even though this problem of "irritation" seems something new, it goes back to the modernization era of Turkey. However, it is easier when we search about Europe or the West to analyze such aspects as Islamophobia and Orientalism, but it is hard to find a study that revolves around a country that is primarily Muslim-populated. Therefore, Turkey will provide us a unique example of a Muslim-majority country shaped by an Oriental mindset that is developed both externally and internally. Turkey is a unique example to study Orientalism among many other Muslim-majority countries in terms of its history as a former imperial power that once governed a vast part of the world – without being colonized by European powers. The increase of threat and change of identity for being Muslim with the post 9/11 attack caused both countries to construct different identities for their foreign Muslim communities and develop different types of problems within their borders. With the increased number of attacks and causes, such as the Arab Spring and its result on the migration process, the perceptions continued to evolve negatively. Negative impact and imaging created unwanted cases within both countries, such as hate, discrimination, and "Othering." Explaining the terms, cases, and methods with detailed information on both countries will provide a transparent comparison in this research. Therefore, the thesis will prove that in a Postcolonial world, not only a European country, which has a colonial past, can have Orientalist and Islamophobic discourses to their migrant subjects but also a country that is accepted as Middle Eastern throughout the world, and has primarily Muslim population, can also have these behaviors and approaches both in its history and contemporarily.
The European Union accession process of the post-Yugoslavian countries: Case studies of Slovenia and Croatia
This study analyses the reasons for the different progress of Slovenia and Croatia during the European Union accession processes with the past events they lived in the Yugoslavia Federation. Behind the collapse of Yugoslavia, there were particular motives. One of them was the increase of nationalism in the states after the death of Josip Broz Tito. The study also examined the impact of the European Community as another reason. During the independence movements, most of the Central and Eastern European countries used "return to Europe" as a rhetorical device. In this context, what distinguishes Slovenia and Croatia from other former Yugoslavian countries is that they have become the only countries that joined the European Union. However, Slovenia joined in 2004, while Croatia could join in 2013. Although their independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 was the same, the following process developed differently. This study attempts to ascertain the reasons for this time difference by analysing the legacy of Yugoslavia's past. However, the results reveal that the reasons are unrestricted to their past but also the European Union's evolving enlargement concerns.
The evolution of African nationalism from colonialism to independence
This thesis focuses on the development of nationalism ideology in Africa within a period ranging from the colonial era to the period of independence. While addressing the topic, the ethnic and cultural diversity of the African continent is taken into consideration, and the factors influencing the development of nationalism at the continental level are examined, while also providing a broad perspective on the events and individuals who contributed to nationalism in Africa. By highlighting the significant role of nationalism in the liberation movements from colonialism, the thesis predicts that nationalism ideology will continue to play an important role in the future of Africa. By analyzing the periodical developments in the context of nationalism, this thesis provides an opportunity to analyze the current situation of the continent.
Ibn Taymiyyah: The doctrine of jihad and his modern reception
This research focuses on Ibn Taymiyyah's jihād doctrine. Primarily, it studies the question whether the reason for killing the non-Muslim is his disbelief or his hostile behavior toward Muslims, according to Ibn Taymiyyah. Furthermore, by expanding on the subject, the study also aims to address the question whether non-Muslims might achieve a peace agreement with Muslims without paying any jizya. During this period, a study of the concept of maslaḥa of Ibn Taymiyyah was conducted. However, the conception of the country introduced by him in his Mardin Fatwā or other works is emphasized, and it is seen that his writings have more than two conceptions of abode. When we explore his writings, we can see that he was much more flexible than other classical scholars on this subject. The significance of the Mardin Fatwā in the present world is highlighted toward the end of the second chapter. There, I deconstruct the misinterpretations and misuse of Ibn Taymiyyah's writings by radical resurgent groups through discourse analysis. The final chapter of the study discusses his political behavior towards the Mongols and the Mamluks, as well as the struggle of modern organizations known as radicals, Salafī and modern Islamists against the influence of the West in the contemporary Muslim world. Most importantly, it demonstrates through discourse analysis that such entities sought legitimacy through the works of Ibn Taymiyyah. In doing so, it focuses on the concepts of abode, rebellion, maslaḥa, and suicide bombing. Furthermore, it highlights the differences between these groups and Ibn Taymiyyah. Finally, Ibn Taymiyyah's image of the Ottomans and modern Turkey is reviewed.
Iran's military and political influence on Iraq: The Haider al-Abadi government (2014-2018)
This thesis examines Iran's military and political influence over Iraq, during the tenure of Haider Al-Abadi (2014-18), within the framework of its foreign policy shaped after the Islamic Revolution. It analyzes how and to what extent Iran utilized its military and political influence in Iraq during this period. Iran's influence policy aimed to fill the power vacuums in military and political spheres that emerged with the ISIS threat in 2014. Al-Abadi's rise to power with promises of reform and a vision to make Iraq more independent from external interventions posed a potential challenge to Iran's sphere of influence. However, these promises could not be fulfilled. On the contrary, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), established to combat ISIS and working concurrently with the IRGC, became a powerful tool that reinforced Iran's influence over Iraq. In this context, this thesis evaluates the effectiveness of the Iraqi Prime Minister in countering Iran's influence.
Women rejecting motherhood in Indonesia
ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the phenomenon of women rejecting motherhood in Indonesia, situating this personal choice within broader feminist theories, historical narratives, socio-economic conditions, and cultural-religious contexts. Drawing on radical, Marxist, and third-wave feminist perspectives alongside interpretations of Islamic discourse, the study critically examines how motherhood has been historically constructed as a normative expectation that defines womanhood and restricts autonomy. The analysis begins by theorizing motherhood as a socially and ideologically embedded institution and then contextualizes its evolution in Indonesia across four major periods: the Colonial Era, Old Order, New Order, and Reform Era. Each era shaped gender roles through differing national, religious, and political ideologies. The research identifies a growing movement of women in contemporary Indonesia choosing to be childfree, influenced by factors such as economic instability, career aspirations, individual autonomy, mental health awareness, and disillusionment with state policies. It highlights how these decisions represent a form of resistance to entrenched societal norms that equate womanhood with motherhood. Moreover, the thesis explores the intense social, cultural, and religious backlash faced by childfree women, including stigmatization, familial pressure, and accusations of immorality or selfishness. Despite these challenges, many childfree individuals are reclaiming their narratives and advocating for diverse expressions of fulfillment beyond traditional family structures. Through an interdisciplinary analysis of the lived experiences of childfree women in Indonesia, this research examines how their decisions reflect broader changes in societal values, gender expectations, and personal priorities. By situating individual choices within historical, cultural, and structural frameworks, it highlights the complex interplay between personal piety and collective norms. The passage underscores the importance of culturally acknowledging various life paths and definitions of fulfillment that go beyond traditional roles and expectations. This acknowledgment contributes to a developing understanding of identity, adulthood, and social contribution within contemporary Indonesian society. Keywords: Motherhood, Childfreedom, Gender roles, Women's autonomy, Islam and Modernity
Role of religion and religious groups in U.S.'s fail in Afghanistan
The main purpose of the thesis is to emphasize the main factors behind the failure of the United States' military and political mission in Afghanistan. Islamic understandings and religious groups' presence in Afghanistan is the main factor for the failure of the USA. Afghanistan is a preservative country where religion plays a key role in shaping the social and political understandings of the citizens. The thesis emphasizes on some topics that the United States has underestimated how deep and influential the Islamic faith is in Afghan society, as well as the country has a tribal style of life which makes the prediction of the USA more difficult about the next step of the religious group.
Failed to cooperate: The US-China rivalry in the time of Covid-19 pandemic
It is both apt and relevant to include content on the theory of Realism in global international relations – an approach of political science, statesmanship and diplomacy that has influenced war and peace over the centuries and continues to do so today. In fact, the current Chinese-US conflict may be characterised by Realism more than any other school of thought. One cannot help but wonder why the US and Chinese government did not live up to the expectations of other nations and world citizens who would love to see them share their immense resources and collaborate on fighting the new, threatening Covid-19 disease, by sharing information and expertise, working on a vaccine-producing program, and planning together. That, unfortunately, did not transpire. The purpose of this research is to explore,analyse, and provide answers on why the Chinese-American relations deteriorated in the World Health Organization, in general, and the Global Covid-19 pandemic. In addition, I analyse the reasons for the conflict, its escalation, and management. The methods used for producing the answers utilise the qualitative method, making maximum use of reliable, authentic resources in the form of published books, specialised magazine and newspaper articles, government data, an authoritative highlevel official testimony, and a speech. Content and thematic methods have been used, and the trustworthiness of the data thus established. The thesis uses primary and secondary data collection, including quotes of those directly involved in the issues.
An alliance of the century: The diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Eswatini and the Republic of China (Taiwan)
What exactly does the term "loyal ally" mean in international relations? This is a concept that is often referred to, but whose conceptualization is often less explored. The task of this dissertation, ambitious as it may be, is to take a look at the concept of loyalty in international relations through the lens of a case study that is baffling to many mainstream theorists who would be quick to assign to it the label of "exception to the rule." In the year 2022, the Kingdom of Eswatini and the Republic of China (Taiwan) celebrated fifty-five years of 'friendship,' as they dubbed it, an anniversary of an alliance that has stood the test of time even in the current geopolitical context. The rise of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has come with many transitions in the international system, one of the most significant being its alliance formation activities within the continent of Africa. Despite China's overtures, Eswatini has maintained its allegiance with Taiwan, even when the handful of its regional neighbors that Taiwan had left switched their allegiance to the People's Republic of China (PRC), and the question is why? This research seeks to submit the concept of loyalty as an ideational unit-level factor as fitting to this case and as a complementary explanation to mainstream theoretical frameworks that deserve further focus. By engaging in an exercise of thematic analysis, this thesis reveals the patterns and narratives within various interactions between the two states that indicate the loyalty between them. This body of work is a dedication and contribution to small-state foreign policy theories and to the political studies of Eswatini, two fields that are in dire need of being academically and analytically investigated in the field of international relations.
Osmanlı harfinden Latin alfabesine: Türkiye'de harf inkılâbının gerçekleşmesinde Batı merkezli uluslararası sistemin rolü
Bu tez, uygulandığı günden itibaren tartışma konusu olan alfabe reformuna dair çizilen geleneksel sınırlarını aşarak, reformun arkasındaki itici gücün, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun gerileme ve yıkılış dönemleri sırasında kök salan Batı merkezli uluslararası sisteme kadar izlenebileceğini öne sürüyor. Erving Goffman'ın leke teorisini ve Norbert Elias'ın yerleşikler dışarıdakiler ayrımlarını kullanarak çizdiği kavramsal çerçeve ile tez Batı merkezli uluslararası sistemin Türkiye'nin kimlik oluşumunu nasıl etkilediğini keşfetmektedir. Batı merkezli uluslararası sistemin hakim norm ve standartları yerleşik üyelerin sahip oldukları ortak unsurlardan meydana gelmektedir. Bu ortak unsurlar haricinde kalan öğeler leke olarak yaftalanmaktadır. 19. yüzyıldaki uluslararası sistem, Batılı ülkelerin yerleşik olarak ayrıcalıklı bir konuma sahip olduğu, Batılı - Avrupalı - Hıristiyan olmayan ülkelerin dışarıdakiler olarak kategorize edildiği hiyerarşik bir yapı sahipti. Sonuç olarak, Batı normlarına uymayan niteliklere sahip bu devletler lekelenme yaşadılar ve bu da kendi algıları üzerinde derin bir etkiye yol açtı. Batılı olmayan devlet toplulukları uluslararası ilişkilerde kabul ve meşruiyet ararken, modernleşme süreci bu duyguları yoğunlaştırdı. Çoğu ülke, algılanan lekelemenin üstesinden gelmek için iç ve dış politikalarını Batı idealleriyle uyumlu hale getirmeye çalıştı. Bu çaba, uluslararası toplumdaki konumlarını güvence altına almanın ve yerleşikler ile dışarıdakiler arasındaki uçurumu kapatmanın bir yolu olarak kapsamlı reformları ve modernite arayışını içeriyordu. Bu tez harf inkılabını Türkiye'nin leke düzeltme çabası olarak görüp Batı merkezli uluslararası sistemde yer bulabilmek amacına matuf olarak gerçekleştiğini savunmaktadır. Sonuç olarak, çok sayıda devlet, küresel normlar ve kurumlarla aktif olarak ilgilenerek, Batılı olmama lekesini düzeltmek ve yerleşikler arasında yer alabilmek adına çabaladı. Bu dinamik, uluslararası sistem içinde Batılı ve Batılı olmayan devletler arasındaki ilişkinin tarihsel önemini vurgulayarak, küresel bağlamda kimlik, kabul ve meşruiyet arayışının karmaşıklığını sergilemektedir.
Analyzing the diplomatic relationship between the Arab Gulf states and Israel (2020-2021): A case study of the UAE, Qatar and Saudi Arabia
In 2020, regional history was proclaimed when the UAE became the first Arab Gulf State to normalize its diplomatic relations with Israel. After that, several Arab countries like Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan followed suit and normalized their diplomatic relations with Israel. This trend is the opposite of what happened during the Arab-Israeli war, whereby the Arab countries had presented a united front against Israel. However, what exactly is the reason for this new alliance formation? To answer this question, various scholars of international relations have come out with several theories to explain why an alliance was formed. The research question of this paper is, "After decades-long animosity and cold relations, why do some countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council decide to normalize their ties with Israel while others did not?". This paper will adopt qualitative studies to analyze the research questions. Open-ended interviews were conducted with scholars and intellectuals residing in the Arab Gulf States, individuals who are affiliated with Arab Gulf institutions, and Arab Gulf experts. I argue that this new alliance formation is mainly motivated by the profit that each Arab Gulf state would gain from the alliance. This aligns with Schweller's Balance of Interest Theory, which I will explain further in this study.
Dissimulation and survival: A comparative inquiry into the motivations, implications, and problems of identity concealment among Shi'i, Ahmadi, and Sufi Muslims
The topic of dissimulation, in thought and practice, sparks debate and controversy among Muslims. Different perspectives exist on how Shi'a, Ahmadi, and Sufi Muslims define, interpret, criticize, and apply dissimulation to their beliefs. This study digs into the reasons behind why these groups practice dissimulation and how they justify it within the context of Islamic teachings on hypocrisy and sincerity. Drawing upon social identity theory, rational choice theory, identity theory, and others, this research aims to construct a conceptual framework that explains the motivations behind the practice of dissimulation by these Muslim groups. I argued that dissimulation should be viewed as a strategic tool employed for purposes of social integration, safety measures, and the preservation of identity. Through interviews with 15 participants representing Shia, Ahmadi, and Sufi groups and an exploration of existing literature in this area, this study challenges dominant perceptions surrounding dissimulation. The findings of this research suggest that dissimulation goes beyond being simply hypocritical or insincere; rather, it emerges as a strategic and diplomatic tool for navigating one's sense of self within social and political contexts. The insights gained from this research call for a reevaluation of how we understand the concept of dissimulation.
The lack of regional hegemon in Africa: Perspectives from international relations theories
This study is an attempt to understand why Africa lacks a regional hegemon and the seeming lack of aspirations by any African state towards this end. The logic behind this rests with the hypothesis that African problems would be easily managed and effectively addressed if effective leadership (regional hegemon) exists. The lack of same dissuades the focus and direction needed and benchmarks the openness and exposure of the continent to exploitation by other regional and global superpowers. The study was carried-out by analyzing and testing the logical fundamentals of the three basic theories of international relations: realism, liberalism and constructivism. In other words, the researcher employed a theory testing approach to examine the puzzle under consideration. From the examination of the three basic theories of International relation, it emerged that the realist perspective offered better explanatory power than the other two perspectives. In an intriguing fashion, the explanations provided by the two perspectives (liberalism and constructivism) go to reinforce the logical consistency and psychoanalyses of leadership presented by the realist perspective. In other words, the two theories explain the 'means' towards an 'end' sanctioned in the realist thought – hegemonic power.
BJP in social media: A multiple time analysis of ideology in terms of populism and nationalism
The BJP (Bharatiaya Janata Party) of India has achieved unprecedented electoral success in its last two terms, resulting in two consecutive wins with a large majority. This success, both in national and local elections, is often credited to their successful use of social media in mobilizing people on their behalf. For this reason, the national election in 2014 and subsequent local election at the federal level was termed the first "social media election" in India. There is an effort to see and connect the BJP's use of social media and its success with the global rise of populism and their inclination to use alternative media. On the other hand, most of the literature previously produced regarding the BJP considered the BJP as a nationalist or right-wing nationalist political party. This study attempts to analyze the BJP's social media articulation and decide if they are nationalist or populist. To do this, different timeframes are observed, as well as if it creates any variation or stability in the BJP's articulation in terms of its ideological position. The research shows that most of the fluctuation is related with shorter layer of time, while there is a stability in their imagination of longer time. Keywords: populism, nationalism, BJP, social media, multiple time
Turkey's involvement in Somalia: How Somalis perceive Turkey's stabilization efforts in Somalia
The Somali state-building process has been a difficult task for both the Somalis and the international community since the fall of the central government in 1991. Research has shown that the chaotic nature of the Somali conflict continues to attract new actors that intervene in the Somali issues. This study aims to understand how Somalis perceive the presence of external actors in Somalia and their activities in the country. Particularly, this study asks how Somalis perceive Turkey's stabilization efforts in Somalia? The research is also interested in why they perceive the way they do.? Host population perception studies gained increased attention in the last two decades. Based on the literature review qualitative interview research was conducted, using a snowball sampling method, twenty-five open-ended questions were asked to fifty Somalis from different regions and backgrounds in Turkey. Analysis of the responses illustrated that the majority of the participants showed an enormous trust and love for Turkey and the projects it has been doing in Somalia both civil and government-led programs. Although there were a number of criticisms from the participants, the research focused on why Turkey's peace and state-building operations in Somalia were favored the highest among the multiple actors involved in the Somali peace process. The findings indicate that the failure of the traditional donors to achieve tangible results and bringing useful projects in Somalia, the successful Turkish aid model in 2011 and the common culture, history, and religion were among the main factors that contributed to the way Somalis perceive Turkey. Further research is needed to identify how Somalis perceive different actors involved in Somalis and what shapes their perceptions. Keywords: Host-Population, Peace Intervention, Perception, Somali conflict, Traditional Donors. Turkish Involvement
Revolutionary change versus counter-revolutionary status quo: Tracing the reactions of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates to the Arab Spring
By exceeding traditional molds of small states, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), as two small states of the Persian Gulf, have conducted very interventionist and proactive foreign policy in response to the Arab Spring within the two region-wide confrontations between revolutionary and counter-revolutionary blocks. This thesis purposes to find a proper answer to the following question by firstly analyzing their foreign policies responses one by one, then comparing the roots of differences and similarities: Why and how did Qatar and the UAE as similar small states pro-actively take different revolutionary and counter-revolutionary positions as a reaction to the Arab Spring? To this end, this research wields the process-tracing method to identify causal mechanisms driving these policies and indicating manifestation of these policies at the operational level. Then, the results are compared focusing on their unit-level differences within the neo-classical realist framework. In this context, I argue that the systemic forces unleashed by the Arab Spring-led change created powerful incentives for these states' opportunistic power pursuit across the region. However, unit-level features as an intervening variable shaped their power and threat assessments regarding the Arab Spring-led regional change, which eventually produced their opposing revolutionary and counter-revolutionary positions.
Rwanda's rise over the past 20 years
Many countries in the African continent have been struggling with hunger, terrorism, and economic crises for years. In the process from the past to the present, the need for raw materials has increased with the development of the industry. Since the end of the 19th century, however, countries that are superpowers have seen countries with rich underground and aboveground resources, and easy management as targets for their own interests. Countries that fit this definition are mostly located on the African continent. Unable to determine their own political and economic future, these countries faced starvation, chaos, economic crises, terrorist activities and similar negativities. Rwanda survived the Belgian mandate in 1959 and witnessed the largest genocide in world history in 1994. After this great human tragedy, Rwanda decided to develop political, economic and cultural reforms in 1996. The coming to power of Paul Kagame in 2000 and remaining unchanged for 20 years enabled the country to rapidly develop economically and politically. While developing rapidly, Rwanda, which follows policies different from the policies implemented by many countries in Africa, has set an example for many countries in Africa with its rapidly developing economy and level of development. This rate of development makes Rwanda's strategy worth exploring. Looking at the previous studies, most of the studies on Rwanda are from the historical background of Rwanda-Burundi and the colonies of Belgium and France or the Rwanda genocide. However, Rwanda has started to develop its economy rapidly by implementing the financial policies implemented by Singapore to develop. This study is written to draw attention to the development of Rwanda, a small country in Africa, and to examine the rate of development in the country according to basic development criteria such as health, economy, trade, and education.
The symbiotic relationship between American oil and banking oligopolies in the post-war period
In the post-war period, there is a symbiotic relationship between American oil and banking oligopolies. Because of this symbiotic relationship, the interests of these two oligopolies and the policies they pursued were common or associated. However, this relationship has not received enough attention in the literature. This study aims to discover the origins of this symbiotic relationship, why the interests of these two oligopolies and the policies they pursued were common in the post-war period, by examining the dollar, oil and petrodollar crises of the 1970s. To test the hypothesis that the symbiotic relationship between the two olipols would require these two oligopolies to have common interests and policies in the face of certain crises and challenges, a qualitative research was conducted and for this purpose, primary and secondary sources were used. The primary source was the official records of the American government's reports, investigations and congressional committee sessions on oil and banking oligopolies. The results of the study revealed that American oil and banking oligopolies had a strong symbiotic relationship and this relationship played an important role in the post-war period, especially in the dollar, oil and petrodollar crises of the 1970s. Therefore, these results show that American oil and banking oligopolies fed each other due to their symbiotic relationship, pursued common policies even if they were against their own countries and people in order to reach their common interests, and did not hesitate to cause even global crises when necessary.
Current identity crisis in Pakistan; A clash of western interest and national identity discourse
The purpose of this study is to investigate the connection among identity crisis, regional and global power structure. The ultimate instinct of any state around the globe is survival, which is impossible without having a well-integrated society. National identity is one of the inevitable factors, playing the role of keeping people integrated within a nation state. It brings them together in the face of internal and external threats. There is a widespread understanding that, today identity crisis is one of the core problems of Pakistan due to a conflict of preferences between national interests and Western interests. While facing the worst identity crisis in contemporary times, the society, at large, is widely fragmented. The sole notion having the potential to give the essence of unity across different ethnic and linguistic groups in Pakistan is the "Muslim identity" of all varying groups. According to statistical data, the percentage of Muslim population in Pakistan is around 95-98%. Consequently, in Pakistan, the state has been valuing Islam to play the role of keeping the masses integrated and unified, until the 9/11/2001 incident. After the American invasion in Afghanistan, in response to 9/11 attacks, Pakistan, as a state, took a row back from its religion based national discourse giving rise to the problem of identity crisis across the country as well as across the globe. Resultantly, the state has failed to play its role to give a substitute idea of unity to its people rendering a more chaotic environment in external as well as internal affairs of the country.
What is behind the rise of Neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign policy in the last two decades?
This thesis paper aims to explain the rise of Neo-Ottomanism as an adopted foreign policy under the two-decade long rule of Justice and Development Party aka AKP by using a sociological framework (Center-Periphery relations) provided by the late Turkish scholar Serif Mardin. Originally, the framework was employed to explain the relationship between the center and the periphery in Turkish history. Mardin (1973) believes that since the 18th century, Ottoman center struggled to align its policies with the demands of the periphery, and this extends to different periods of history. In some periods a cooperative relationship between both center and periphery was witnessed, while in others, periphery saw the center as a totally different entity with different cultural values. While Mardin (1973) ends his formulation of the center-periphery relations framework by explaining the events of the 1960's coup and the execution of Menderes, this paper aims to extend the discussion to the rise of AKP to power in 2002 and explain how the periphery's political aspirations paved the way to shift foreign policy to what is known as Neo-Ottomanism under AKP's rule. Many have tried to explain the emergence of Neo-Ottomanism by going back to the domestic developments in Turkey during the 2000s such as the economical aspect, party politics, Turkish Nationalism and Europeanization. Some other fellow scholars even argue that there is no such thing as Neo-Ottomanism but rather it is a Sunni-Islamist ideology that runs Turkey's foreign policy. It is the objective of this paper to explain the concept of Neo-Ottomanism by primarily referring to Serif Mardin's Center-periphery relations theory as the main factor in emergence of such a concept and give a clear understanding and definition of Neo-Ottomanism by pointing out Turkey's foreign policy attitude under the AKP government. Therefore, the main argument of this paper will be proving the relevancy of Neo-Ottomanism and the 'Periphery' concept of Serif Mardin. In doing so, the three elements of Democracy, Political Polarization and Cultural difference will be utilized in determining how good the relationship between the center and the periphery is and how today those segments of society influence one another.
Beyond competition: Hegemonic war between the USA and China in East Asia
This research examines the reason behind the unsettled conflict between the USA and China despite their normalized, profitable bilateral relations. The existing literature from liberal scholars, such as Ikenberry, tends to focus on the maintenance of liberal international order, thus argue that the USA and China are facing not more than a competition in which the liberal international order will secure the victory. Attempting to invalidate Ikenberry's thesis, this research argues that the USA and China are currently in the third phase of the hegemonic war in East Asia. In this study, Robert Gilpin's theory of hegemonic war is tested through a qualitative deductive research design, with content/discourse analysis as the selected data-gathering strategy. The process involves analysing numerous speeches from the leaders, bilateral and multilateral agreements, memorandum of understanding, press releases, as well as important meetings, conferences, and correspondences. The study finds that the USA-China rivalry matches the characteristics of Gilpin's theory of hegemonic war when examined under the three important frameworks: political, economic, and ideological competition. In political competition, the duality exists over the creation of the US-led or China-led regionalism. In economic competition, the United States' trade protectionism policy is vis-a-vis China's Belt and Road Initiative. Moreover, in the ideological sphere, China's Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence is currently challenging the existence of liberal values. With these findings, this thesis accomplishes two things. First, it strengthens offensive realists' arguments concerning the topic. Second, it fills the gap of the study by providing a comprehensive study about the precise process of the hegemonic war.
The role that The idea of Europe has played in Albania'sforeign policy during the post-communist era"
"The role that the 'Idea of Europe' has played in Albania's foreign policy in the postcommunist era", is a thesis on Albania's foreign policy based on the social constructivist approach represented by Ted Hopf, which connects the domestic identities of a state with its foreign policy using the social cognitive theory of identity. According to this approach, the way a state identifies itself in relation to another state, shapes the interests of the former in relation to the latter, thus influencing its foreign policy choice. Concretely, this paper seeks to explain Albania's pro-European orientation through its domestic identities, specifically the way Albania identifies itself in relation to Europe. Using Hopf's method, the identification that Albania makes of itself in relation to Europe will be uncovered by analysing the Albanian postcommunist public discourse. Based on the findings, we will try understand the role that the idea of Europe has played in the way Albania identifies itself in relation to Europe, and through this its impact in Albania's foreign policy choice. Through this analysis we aim to make a modest contribution to the understanding and forecasting of Albania's foreign policy.
The conflict between Turkey and Greece in East Meditarrenean
The thesis aims to explain the reason for the rising tension between Turkey and Greece in the East Mediterranean in recent years. In this direction, firstly, the gap in the literature was revealed and the power vacuum thesis was put forward in order to fill this gap. Then, the current change in the international system is explained from the offensive realist perspective. Finally, the historical conflict between Turkey and Greece in the East Mediterranean is analyzed in the context of the power vacuum in the international system. The East Mediterranean, which has a great strategic and geopolitical importance throughout history has entered into a new transformation process with problems such as the Arab Spring, the Syrian civil war and the discovery of new energy sources. This transformation, which covers many areas such as energy, economy, ideology and security, also causes problems in the relations between regional powers. One of the most important examples of this is the high tension between Turkey and Greece arising from the sovereignty issues regarding the maritime jurisdiction areas. In addition, the power shift caused by the rise of Russia and China against the US in the international system also showed its effect in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the US lost its hegemon position in the region since the 1980s. The main argument of this study is that the instability in the international system leads to a power vacuum in the East Mediterranean, while the power vacuum increases the instability in the region and triggers the conflict environment between Turkey and Greece. Keywords: East Mediterranean, Greece, International System, Power Vacuum, Turkey
Islamophobia in Muslim majority countries: A case study of Bangladesh
There is significant literature on Islamophobia particularly, and 'Islamic radicalization' in western countries. Especially a lot of studies and research were conducted regarding Islamophobia in Muslim minority societies like Europe, America, and other parts of the world. However, this is not only a problem in Western countries but a global phenomenon. 'Religious Muslims' in Muslim countries face the same problems or discrimination as Muslims in Western countries or Muslim minority societies. Therefore, to find out the natural causes of these kinds of Islamophobic attitudes, Islamophobia in Muslim majority societies should be examined in detail. From this perspective, this paper will examine why Islamophobia is rising in Bangladesh, although it is the fourth-largest Muslim-populated country. The study consists of five main parts. The first part is an introduction that explains the background of the study. The second part reviews the literature and theoretical perspective. Then, the next part of this study tries to prove Islamophobia in both the public and private sectors. The fourth part discusses and examines the reasons for Islamophobia in Bangladesh. Finally, it discusses the findings in its conclusion part.
Urban spaces and contentious action in the Syrian cities
Despite the great momentum of the Syrian revolutions, big cities in Syria like Damascus and Aleppo- unlike the situation in Tunisia or Egypt- appeared to be pushed aside from the revolutionary scene. Despite the fact that the uprising in Syria was inspired by the events in the broader Arab world, the revolutionary action differed in its tactics of mobilization and in its spatial nature right from the beginning. The big blanket thrown by the term "Arab spring" at the beginning, led to overlooking or downplaying many factors. However, it is because of this framing many themes and features were contrasted and compared for analysis or theory building, such as state structures, or armies' structures even sometimes overlooking the urban divergence. In the literature on Syria, the ongoing upheaval and the militarized complexities has seized the most attention. Less attention has been given to the onset of the revolution, particularly to the social fabric in relation to the urban fabric and the logics of action of the different urban settings that varied internally and also in comparison to the broader Arab spring scene. By mapping space, forces and contention in the four main cities in Syria (Damascus, Aleppo, Homs and Hama), this study examines the social networks of the different settings and their place mainly in relation to other settings in order to interpret the logics of action at the onset of the revolution of the different urban settings in the Syrian cities. Keywords: Urban settings, Contentious action, Mobilization; Space, Networks.
Suriye'de etnik temizlik oluyor mu
As the Syrian war enters its second decade, a new demography in Syria that significantly differs in terms of sectarian and ethnic backgrounds appears. It is clear that the majority of the conflict's casualities are Sunnis who form around 76% of the Syrian population. The Syrian government, dominated by the Alawite minority, which is 11% of the Syrian population, used lethal weapons, weapons of mass destruction, discriminatory legislations and more importantly the 'siege and starve' strategy to depopulate, forcibly evacuate and cleanse whole areas in the Syrian territory. This resulted in the displacement of around 13 million Syrians comprising more than half of the total population. Some of the evacuated areas started to be reinhabited by foreign militia of Shia backgrounds supported by Iran. With Iran being its primary ally, the Syrian government has created new charachteristics of the Syrian nationality, nationals and population. It also perpetuated a protractable conflict for the millions of refugees who appear to have no possible means to return to their homes. This phenomena raise legal question about the nature of this crime, and whether it is within the borders of ethnic cleansing or not.
The international system or the state: What is the source of Turkey's national interest
This study examines the concept of national interest, which is defined as a guide that directs the foreign policy behaviors of states, at the level of the international system. The study basically claims that the stability and instability processes of the international system in a cyclical process are the main source that determines the interests of the nations. According to this claim, the international structure and order, which are the components of the stable international system, will build a certainty on the interests and behaviors of the states in the system. In other words, it can be assumed that the dominance of international systemic forces will shape or constrain the decision-making processes of states. Conversely, unstable international systems can be defined as periods that there is a high degree of uncertainty in world politics due to challenges to the established international structure and order. In such periods, it can be stated that systemic uncertainties will alleviate the pressure on states, and thus, the power capacities of states will be the main factor to determine the source of national interests. In this context, the thesis is basically divided into three parts. First, the literature review reveals other alternative approaches that can be considered as a source of national interest. The second part, on the other hand, discusses the stable and unstable periods of the international system, which is the main subject of the thesis, and explores how and in what way these periods affect the national interests of the states. The third part of the thesis examines the Turkish foreign policy from 1999 to 2020 and exhibits the role of two distinct periods of the international system in determining the interests of nations. Keywords: Instability, International System, National Interest, Stability, Turkish Foreign Policy
The monarchy between historical legitimacy and complex challenges: How did Jordan survive the Arab Spring
In 2011 a series of demonstrations came across many Arab countries like a snowball in what was known as the wave of the Arab Spring. Starting in Tunis, then Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Libya, and Jordan followed. This wave has led to democratic transition in Tunis and Egypt in the very early months of the demonstrations, and a civil war and a dramatic state failure in Syria, Yemen, and Libya. However, Jordan's spring seemed to be less dramatic. No absolute violence happened nor did Muslima regime change occur. What Jordan faced was putting it in the loop of the project of democratization that had started in 1989 and yet did not come into the light. In this paper, I show the roots of the state establishment in Jordan and highlight the events that shaped the legitimacy of the monarchy and then analyze the tools and strategies the monarchy followed to sustain its legitimacy and preserve its stability, from the early establishment of the state to the Arab Spring. Finally, this paper argues that the monarchy in Jordan can neither be considered democratic or authoritarian, rather it maneuvers between multiple strategies and seized opportunities to remain stable in the region and legitimate in the state. This paper demonstrates the complexity of Jordanian politics on the international and regional levels that influences its internal politics. This paper takes the historical process method and refers to Max Weber and Micheal Mann to address the concepts of legitimacy and state power in the case of Jordan within a proper theoretical context.
A comparative analysis of the success of conservative political parties in democratic processes: A case study of Türkiye and Pakistan
This thesis examines the divergent success of conservative political parties in Türkiye and Pakistan through comparative case study analysis with a focus on the role of charismatic leadership as a key factor. Conservative movements have gained prominence globally, with nations like Türkiye seeing significant electoral success, exemplified by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (JDP), while similar parties in Pakistan, such as Jamat-e-Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F), have struggled to achieve comparable results. The question answered here is why conservative political parties in Türkiye had significant success but their counterparts in Pakistan did not. Max Weber's theory of authority has been used to answer this question. First the concept of political spectrum has been discussed; later it has been implemented on the countries under observation. The research digs down into the study of the political spectrum and socio-political landscapes of both countries, examining their conservative foundations, post-independence governance, and shifts towards conservative politics. Despite similar beginnings, the countries diverged significantly, with Pakistan experiencing military rule and Türkiye moving towards centralized secular leadership. Post-2000, the dynamics of Türkiye changed under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, whereas in Pakistan, the conservative parties could not replicate the same success. Drawing on Weber's theory of authority, the research posits that charismatic leaders like Erdoğan in Türkiye have been pivotal in the success of conservative political parties. The qualitative research analysis of the speeches of political leaders and the party documents has been done. The results of this paper are valuable because they give a whole new perspective and fill a lacuna in the literature. Because many other different reasons for the loss of conservative political parties in Pakistan have always been discussed, this new one hasn't been touched on, and this gives them a whole new perspective to work with and struggle with. Now policymakers can benefit from the recommendations in this paper.
A comparative analysis of the Saudi Arabia and UAE's foreign policies towards the Yemen and Syria wars
This study examines the foreign policy strategies of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the protracted crises in Yemen and Syria, analyzing the factors driving both convergence and divergence in their approaches. Grounded in the theoretical frameworks of neoclassical realism and ontological security, the study investigates how systemic pressures—such as regional rivalries and the shifting balance of power—intersect with domestic-level factors, including regime security imperatives, leadership styles, and national identity aspirations, to shape the foreign policy behavior of these two Gulf states. Through a cross-comparative analysis and process tracing methodology, the research explores how Saudi Arabia and the UAE have navigated these conflicts. In Yemen, the study illustrates how initial alignment within the Saudi-led coalition unraveled due to differing priorities: Saudi Arabia emphasized territorial integrity and countering Iranian influence, while the UAE prioritized strategic control over southern Yemen and key maritime routes, motivated by concerns over regional stability and economic interests. In Syria, the analysis highlights Saudi Arabia's transition from supporting opposition groups to a more pragmatic engagement with the Assad regime, contrasted with the UAE's earlier diplomatic re-engagement to foster stability and economic reconstruction. The findings underscore the role of regional aspirations, alliance strategies, and threat perceptions in shaping the policies of both states. The thesis demonstrates that while Saudi Arabia and the UAE share overlapping security concerns and goals, their distinct approaches are deeply influenced by their respective interpretations of national interests, identity, and regional leadership. These distinct approaches, shaped by divergent interpretations of security threats and national aspirations, have significant implications for Gulf cooperation, the trajectories of the Yemen and Syria conflicts, and the broader regional order. By employing the lenses of neoclassical realism and ontological security, this thesis provides a nuanced understanding of how systemic factors and domestic imperatives interact to shape state behavior. It offers valuable insights into the dynamics of alliance politics, regime survival strategies, and regional security in the multipolar Middle East, contributing to the broader discourse on the foreign policy behavior of authoritarian states.
The new face of the old kingdom: Saudi Arabia's foreign policy change
This thesis examines Saudi Arabia's foreign policy transformation through the lens of strategic hedging, focusing on the Kingdom's response to the United States' partial withdrawal. Anchored in neorealism, the analysis contends that Saudi Arabia's foreign policy shift reflects broader structural changes in the international system, as the Kingdom seeks to balance its longstanding ties with the U.S. while engaging rising powers such as China. Though not a global power, Saudi Arabia is conceptualized as a secondary state—regionally influential yet systemically constrained—making it a typical case for hedging behavior in times of global uncertainty. Vision 2030, introduced in 2016, plays a central role in this shift by promoting economic diversification, reducing oil dependency, and enhancing geopolitical autonomy. Using a qualitative methodology, the thesis employs textual analysis of official statements, policy documents, and scholarly sources to explore the intersection between internal reform and external realignment. A key focus is Saudi Arabia's growing partnership with China, especially through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Digital Silk Road (DSR), which align with Vision 2030's objectives in infrastructure, technology, and renewable energy. These initiatives illustrate how Chinese cooperation enhances Saudi Arabia's economic capacity while reducing reliance on U.S. support. The thesis also investigates Saudi Arabia's rapprochement with Iran, closer ties with Russia, and increased involvement in BRICS as calculated hedging strategies. These developments are interpreted not as ad hoc reactions, but as part of a coherent effort to reposition the Kingdom within an emerging multipolar world order. The findings demonstrate that Saudi Arabia's hedging behavior is both adaptive and strategic, aimed at consolidating regional influence and ensuring long-term resilience. This research contributes to the literature on strategic hedging and secondary state behavior by analyzing how states navigate hegemonic decline and multipolarity.
Western Sahara and SADR: A bidding war for international recognition in a transitional world order
Since its foundation in 1973, the Polisario Front has been calling for the "liberation" of Western Sahara and the establishment of an independent Sahrawi state in the region. While this was faced with unyielding opposition from Morocco, which laid a fait-accompli claim over approximately 80% of the territory in October 1975, the Front proceeded -with the help of Algeria- to declare the establishment of a state in its controlled part of the territory. From the outset, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic successfully garnered international recognition , accumulating up to 84 states at its peak. This recognition reached a standstill with less than 40 states still firmly recognizing the SADR. International recognition of the entity started noticeably declining in the 2000s. With various countries either withdrawing or freezing their recognition, the proclaimed state only maintains a fraction of the international recognition it once enjoyed. This dissertation aims to examine the practice of Recognition in International Relations by studying the peculiar case of the SADR. Accounting for Morocco's counterclaims over the territory and its studious work towards thwarting Polisario's efforts only emphasizes the importance of uncovering the causes of the derecognition of the SADR. The success of either party to achieve their goals relies on convincing members of the international arena of their claims, which are subsequently subject to changing tides of the international system. This research aims to submit Recognition as a material unit-level factor contingent on power balances of the international system. Using a qualitative method based on literature review and content analysis, this thesis will uncover narratives and patterns that reveal how recognition is a highly politicized practice and that pure interests gain more supremacy when withdrawing, suspending, or revoking recognition. This is even more paramount in a transitional world order in which international recognition becomes a bargaining chip.
Balance of power in the Islamic world: A case study on the Ottoman Empire during Selim the First
This thesis examines the explanatory power and universal applicability of the balance of power theory through a non-Western case study focusing on the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Selim the First. The rapid rise of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of Ottoman hegemony in the sixteenth century of the Middle East under Selim's short but transformative eight-year reign make it a deviant case that challenges the theory's assumptions and applicability. This study utilizes process tracing to explore why the Ottomans' ascent was not effectively countered by rival states (Safavids, Mamluks, and European Powers) through internal or external balancing mechanisms. The thesis attributes the Ottoman success in establishing a hegemony in the Middle East to three factors: Selim the First's leadership, Ottoman military superiority, and lack of an effective counterbalancing coalition. Selim consolidated his authority by eliminating dynastic rivals and controlling elite institutions, enabling rapid and unified external action. The Ottoman military's advanced use of gunpowder, disciplined organizational structure, and logistical efficiency outmatched its rivals. By contrast, the Safavids and Mamluks were weakened by structural deficiencies and special challenges, while European states remained distracted by continental rivalries. These structural and political conditions inside the rivals of the Ottomans hindered the formation of an effective counterbalancing coalition against the Ottoman Empire.
The urban quest for legitimacy: The case of Egypt's NAC
The past decade has witnessed the introduction of multiple urban mega-projects in one of the largest countries in the MENA region: Egypt. These projects, under the umbrella of al-Sisi's "Vision 2030", claim to bring modernity without the initiation of any democratic reforms for the people (which defies the modernization theory). The most outstanding of them all is the New Administrative Capital (NAC). Al-Sisi's regime has claimed on multiple occasions that NAC is the fresh start Egypt needs to boost its economic development, and it is regarded as his most important project to date. However, the economic indicators haven't provided the actual numbers that were promised. There have been delays in almost all the project's deadlines, with a back scaling of the initial goals set. Not only that, but the Egyptian economy is drowning with a high inflation rate and a harsh currency devaluation. Thus, this thesis aims to understand why al-Sisi is still prioritizing the development of NAC, despite the high risk attached to it amidst an economic crisis. This will be understood through an analysis of the political discourse of al-Sisi's urban approach, which will eventually lead to one outcome: performance legitimacy. Since his authoritarian regime did not arrive to its position of power through democratic means – if anything, one could argue it came through 'illegitimate' or unconventional means – it aspires to find alternative ways to gain legitimacy. As a result, al-Sisi aims to create a "New Republic" spatially as his regime's legacy, and he is determined to pursue it regardless of the economic consequences. Therefore, by examining NAC through the lens of "legitimacy" as the ultimate end, I argue that this urban mega-project is al-Sisi's means to maintain the stability of his regime rather than the common well-being of the Egyptian people.
Egypt's ultras: Rhizomic proliferation and political miscalculations
Despite extensive scholarship on Egypt's Ultras, the reasons underlying the regime's violent assault on them remain underexplored. This research seeks to uncover the structural and political reasons behind the Egyptian state's decision to crack down on Ultras members, challenging the narrative that the Port Said 2012 massacre was merely an act of revenge by the security apparatus. Building upon previous literature, this study situates the issue within the broader scholarship on the Egyptian regime's development and governing philosophy. It relies heavily on primary sources, including televised segments and state media, to explore how Ultras groups were framed and to uncover the different parties that united against them. The findings show that stadiums, shaped by Egypt's political history and unique football culture, offered spaces for decentralized forms of organization to emerge. These groups developed as Rhizomes: decentralized, non-hierarchical networks that proved their resilience against state control. This structure presented numerous challenges to the regime, including offering an alternative organizational model at a time when the 2011 post-revolution period exposed the society's ineffectiveness in organizing, its resistance to the state's standard strategies, and its dominance of a domain that served as both a propaganda tool and an extension of the state. The regime viewed the Ultras not merely as troublemakers but as harbingers of alternative forms of mobilization that were rapidly proliferating. Thus, its assault was a calculated effort to suppress the novel form of mobilization that was taking root in the society at large.
Türkiye'deki Suriyelilerin hukuksal statüsü
Göç olgusu; insanlık tarihinin başladığı günden bugüne kadar önemini korumakta, toplumları ve kişileri etkilemeye devam etmektedir. Özellikle 20. yüzyılda meydana gelen savaşların bir sonucu olarak, ortaya çıkan göçler ve yaşanan mülteci problemleri uluslararası seviyede ele alınmış ve üzerinde çalışılan uluslararası düzenlemeler kabul edilmiştir. Bu açıdan bakıldığında Türkiye, geçmişten bugüne göç olgusuyla mücadele etmiş ve göç politikasıyla ilgili çeşitli davranışlar sergilemiştir. Türkiye, tarih boyunca mültecilere ve sığınmacılara yönelik birçok yasal düzenlemeyi de ele almıştır. Ancak Türkiye, Mart 2011'de yaşanan Suriye krizinden sonraki süreçte gerek mevzuatında gerekse göç politikasında çok sayıda eksikliğin olduğunu fark etti. Bu doğrultuda değişiklik yapmaya devam etmesinin kaçınılmaz bir gereklilik olduğunu anladı. Açıkça söyleyebiliriz ki, Türkiye, göç olgularıyla karşı karşıya kalmaktadır. Bu çalışma, Suriyeli sığınmacıların ülkemizdeki hukukî durumlarını yürürlükte olan kanunlar ile ele almaktadır. Çalışma bu iddiaya dayanılarak üç bölümden oluşturulmuştur. İlk bölümde göç, mülteciler, sığınmacılar ve vatansız kavramları ayrıntılı olarak ele alınmıştır. Göçün gelişimi ve göçün teorik anlamda nasıl görüldüğü tartışılmıştır. Ayrıca mültecilerin ve sığınmacıların; uluslararası kuruluşlarda, uluslararası ve bölgesel anlaşmalarda nasıl ele alınacağı ayrıntılı olarak incelenmiştir. Mülteciler ve sığınmacılar, hak ve göçmenlik sorunlarına müdahale etmek gibi evrensel yasal normlar açısından araştırılmıştır. Çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde, göçün genel tarihi hakkında bilgi sunulmuştur. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'ne etkisi olan önemli göç vakaları üzerine bir çalışma yapılmış daha sonra da Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin kuruluşundan bu yana, mültecilere ve sığınmacılara karşı alınan kararlar ve tüm önemli kurallar kronolojik olarak gözden geçirilmiştir. Türkiye'de ilk kez, yabancılara ve uluslararası korumaya ihtiyaç duyan kişiler için düzenlenen Yabancılar ve Uluslararası Koruma Yasası'nın (YUKK) ayrıntılı bir incelemesi yapılmıştır. İkinci bölümün son kısmında, genel olarak göç yönetimi ve Türkiye'de gelişmekte olan göç yönetimi ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın son bölümünde, geçen yüzyılın en önemli olaylarından biri olan Suriye'deki iç savaş ve bu iç savaşın ülkemiz üzerindeki etkisi değerlendirildi. Suriye siyasi tarihi ve Türkiye-Suriye ilişkileri incelendikten sonra, "Arap Baharı" adı verilen süreç ve ülkemize yönelik kitlesel göç akışı ele alındı. Bunun dışında, aniden kitlesel bir şekilde Türkiye'ye göç eden milyonlarca Suriyelinin yasal durumu ayrıntılı bir şekilde yorumlandı.
Sosyal medya ve siyaset ilişkisi: Örnek olaylar üzerinden bir analiz
İletişim teknolojilerinden biri olan internetin geçmişten bu yana sürekli geliştiği görülmektedir. Bilgisayar kullanımının yaygınlaşmasıyla birlikte internetin kullanım sıklığı da artmıştır. İnternetin yaşadığı bu evrimsel dönüşümle birlikte kazandığı özellikler, internetin kullanım alanlarının da genişlemesine neden olmuştur. İnternetin evrim süreci, 2000'li yıllarda, sosyal medya mecralarının ortaya çıkmasını sağlamıştır. Akıllı cep telefonlarının hayatımıza girmesiyle birlikte kullanımı giderek artan sosyal medya, insan hayatının değişilmez bir parçası haline gelmiştir. Günümüzde tüm dünyada yaygın bir şekilde kullanılan sosyal medya araçları, bireylerin tüketim alışkanlıklarını, toplumdaki yerlerini ve günlük yaşantılarını belirlemede etkili bir rol oynamaktadır. Sosyal medyanın kullanıcılarına kazandırdığı özellikler arasında organize olma, anlık haberleşme, geribildirim iletme ve arkadaş ağı oluşturma özellikleri siyasal katılım pratiklerini de değiştirmiştir. Son yıllarda sosyal medya ağları pek çok toplumsal harekette önemli rol oynamıştır. Bu çalışmada, sosyal medya siyaset ilişkisi kapsamında, sosyal medyanın siyaset üzerindeki etkisi kanıtlanmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu bağlamda sosyal medyanın toplumsal hareketlerde ve seçim süreçlerindeki etkileri Amerika 2008 ve 2012 başkanlık seçimleri, Arap Baharı ve Wall Street hareketi gibi yaşanmış örnekler kapsamında incelenmiştir.
NATO'nun kimlik oluşumunda Karadeniz güvenliğinin yeri
İki kutuplu sistemin sona ermesi ve uluslararası sistemde meydana gelen değişim karşısında, dönemin önde gelen teorilerinin temel önerme ve analiz birimlerinin, süreci açıklamada yetersiz kalmaları ve yaşanan gelişmeleri öngöremeyen analizleri, uluslararası ilişkiler disiplininde ciddi eleştirilerin gelişmesine neden olmuştur. İdeolojik temelli iki kutuplu sistemin sona ermesi, uluslararası ilişkiler disiplininde, aktörlerin davranışlarını analiz etmede ve açıklamada yeni teorik önermelerin ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. Soğuk Savaş'ın son süreçlerinde, kimlik kavramı üzerinden aktörlerin davranışlarının ve dış politika yaklaşımlarının nasıl inşa edildiği ele alınmaya başlanmıştır. Soğuk Savaş sonrası kimlik kavramını, temel analiz birimi olarak ele alan çalışmaların sayısında artış meydana gelmiştir. Uluslararası ilişkiler disiplininin dışında, sosyal bilimlerin birçok alanında kimlik temelli çalışmalar ortaya çıkmıştır. Soğuk Savaş'ın ardından dönemin hâkim teorilerine gelişen karşı itirazlar, eleştirel yeni teorilerin ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. Kimlik kavramını ele alarak temel kuramsal önermelerini, kimlik üzerinden yapan sosyal inşacılık ve postyapısalcılık kuramları bu dönemde önemli teorik yaklaşımlarda bulunmuştur. Her iki kuram da kimlik kavramını merkeze alarak, uluslararası ilişkiler disiplinindeki aktörlerin davranışlarını ve dış politika yapım süreçlerini incelemiş, kimlik üzerinden teorik önermelerini ileri sürmüşler ve kuramlarını kimlik kavramı çerçevesinde çizmişlerdir. Sosyal inşacılık kuramı, aktörlerin normlar, değerler, fikirler üzerinden çıkarlarını belirlediğini ve daha sonra bu değerler üzerinden kimlik inşa süreçlerine girdiğini, karşılıklı inşa edilen değerlerin, kolektif kimliklere döndüğünü ileri sürmüştür. Postyapısalcılık kuramı ise aktörlerin kimlik kurgularının düşünselden başlayıp, söylemsel olarak inşa edildiğini ve her kimliğin karşıt kimlik yarattığını tezini ileri sürmüştür. Sosyal inşacılık kuramı, kimlik kavramına olumlu değerler atfederken, kolektif kimlikleri ön plana çıkartmaktadır. Postyapısalcılık kuramı ise kimliklerin, sürekli kurgulanan süreçlerle, karşıt söylemler üzerinden inşa edilen öteki ve düşman kimlikler yarattığını iddia etmekte ve kimlik kavramına olumsuz değerler atfetmektedir. NATO kuruluşundan itibaren siyasi ve savunma olmak üzere iki yapılı bir kimliğe sahip olmuş, bu iki yapı üzerinden, Batı kimliğinin temsilini sağlamıştır. Savunma ve siyasi kimliğini, ortak değerler, normlar, fikirler üzerinden inşa eden NATO, ittifak içerisinde kolektif kimliğin üyeleri arasında oluşmasına yardımcı olmuştur. Soğuk Savaş sonrası uluslararası sistemde meydana gelen değişim karşısında NATO, savunma ve siyasi kimliğinde değişim süreçlerini gerçekleştirmiştir. Kimlik yapısındaki değişimler sırasında kolektif kimliğinin yapısını muhafaza etmiş, uluslararası sistemde meydana gelen değişimler ve yeni güvenlik sorunlarına karşı, kimlik yapısını yeni inşa süreçleriyle uyumlu hale getirmeye çalışmıştır. Batı kimliğinin düşünselde temsilcisi haline gelen NATO, "biz" ve "ötekiler" üzerinden karşıt kimlik kurgusuna, söylemsel ve düşünsel zemini de hazırlamıştır. Karadeniz bölgesi, stratejik konumu, enerji hatlarının geçiş güzergâhı olması, birçok bölgeyi birbirine bağlaması gibi özelliğiyle, Soğuk Savaş sonrası önemli bir bölge olmuştur. Avrupa güvenlik mimarisinin içinde önemli bir konuma sahip olan Karadeniz, birçok karmaşık ve çok yönlü sorunları da içinde barındırmaktadır. Soğuk Savaş sonrası bölgede en önemli aktör olarak ortaya çıkan NATO, siyasi ve savunma kimliği temelinde, Batı kimliği yaklaşımıyla Karadeniz'in güvenliğini ele almıştır. Karmaşık ve zorlu sorunlar eşliğinde NATO, Karadeniz güvenliğine yaklaşımı birçok zorluğu da önüne getirmiştir. Tez, NATO'yu kimlik kavramı üzerinden ele alarak sosyal inşacılık ve postyapısalcılık teorileri çerçevesinde analiz etmiş, Kimlik güvenlikle olan ilişkisi bağlamında NATO'nun kimliğinin söylemsel ve düşünsel olarak ifade biçimlerinin, hangi değerler, normlar ve fikirler üzerinden inşa edildiğini, inşa süreçlerini ve kimliksel yapısındaki değişimleri ve Karadeniz güvenliğinin, NATO'nun kimlik yapısındaki yerini konu edinmiştir.
Makedonya'dan Kuzey Makedonya'ya isim sorunu
Bu tez çalışmasının amacı; inşacı bir yaklaşım çerçevesinde yıllardır tartışma konusu yapılan ve henüz bir çözüme kavuşturulamayan Kuzey Makedonya isim sorununu açıklığa kavuşturmak ve alan yazında yer alan tartışmalarla akademik yayınlar çerçevesinde gerek uygulayıcılara gerekse akademik çevreye bir perspektif kazandırmaktır. Yine bu kapsamda Kuzey Makedonya sorunsalının net olarak ortaya konulabilmesi adına karşılaştırmalı kültürde Türk kimliğinin inşası, Arnavut kimliğinin inşası ile Makedon kimliğinin inşasına yer verilmesi planlanmaktadır. Ayrıca Makedon sorununa bölgesel ve uluslararası aktörlerin yaklaşımının yer alması ana sorunsalımızı çok katmanlı bir hale dönüştürecektir. Özellikle çalışmanın güncel tartışmalar ile desteklenmesi ile Prespa Antlaşması'na giden sürecin farklı bir perspektiften yorumlanarak aktarılması da çalışmaya çok yönlü bir kimlik katmaktadır. Bu tez çalışmasının ilk bölümünde uluslararası ilişkilerdeki klasik kuramlar, inşacılık perspektifinden tanımlanacak olup çalışmanın ikinci kısmında tarihsel süreç içerisinde Kuzey Makedonya isim sorunsalı ortaya konulacaktır. Yine bu kapsamda Makedon-Arnavut-Türk kimliklerinin inşalarına yer verilmesi planlanmaktadır. Çalışmanın üçüncü kısmında ise Makedonya sorununa bölgesel ve uluslararası aktörlerin yaklaşımı, Prespa Antlaşması ve bu antlaşmaya giden süreç ile sonuçları üzerinde durulmuştur.
Çokkültürlülük ve toplumsal entegrasyon açısından Almanya'da yaşayan göçmen Türklerin sorunları
İkinci Dünya Savaşında büyük yıkıma uğrayan Almanya, endüstriyel kalkınmada istihdam açığını kapatmak için ülke dışından yabancı işçi alımına yönelmiştir. Asırlarca karşılıklı çıkar ilişkilerin sürdüğü Türkiye ile yapılan antlaşma kapsamında kısa süreli "misafir işçiler" davet edilmiş, ancak iş yerinde gösterilen performans sonrasında kalıcı işçiler statüsüne geçmişlerdir. Aile birleşimi, çocuk parası gibi motivasyonuna artırıcı yasal düzenlemeler sonrasında bunlar kaldıkları yurtlardan yerleşik hayata geçiş yapmış ve zamanla vatandaşlığa geçerek ev sahibi toplum gibi ülkenin yüce değerlerine önemli katkılar sağlamışlardır. Çokkültürlü Almanya'da en büyük göçmen yoğunluğunu oluşturan Türkler ile ev sahibi toplum arasında ki sosyo-kültürel temasların başlangıç aşaması, süreç içerisinde karşılıklı iletişim düzeyi, entegrasyonun gerçekleşmesi esnasında ve sonrasında; olumlu ya da olumsuz etkileyen ana ve destekleyici nedenler incelenmiştir. Ana neden sadece sosyo-kültürel farklılıklar mı? Yoksa Alman emekçilerin gelecek kaygısı, dar gelirli vatandaşları etkileyen gelişmeler, göçmenlerin sayısal hareketliliği, Alman medyasının ötekileştirici yayınları ve bir kısım siyasal aktörlerin demeçleri kamuoyunu etkilemesinden kaynaklanan sorunlar mı? olduğu kapsamlı bir şekilde araştırılmıştır. Bu bağlamda toplumu temsil eden farklı kesimlerle yapılan ikili görüşmeler sonunda elde edilen bilgiler araştırmaya katkı sağlamıştır. Entegrasyonu olumsuz etkileyen Anayasal yaklaşımlar 2000 yılında yasal düzenlemeler ile farklı boyutlar kazanmıştır. Vatandaşlığın doğum ile de kazanılabileceği, göçmen masasının kurulması, çifte vatandaşlığın 2014 yılında belli koşullarla kabul edilmesi bu gelişmelerdendir. Göçmenlerin işçilikten girişimciliğe geçişleri, yerel, eyalet ve federal seçimlerde kullanılan oy oranı, kazanılan belediye başkanlıkları, parlamenterlik, meclis başkanlığı ve bakanlıklar ile siyasal katılıma katkıda bulunmaları ülkede "katılımcı" düzeyine geldiklerini göstermektedir. İslamofobi ve aşırı sağcı ırkçı parti AfD'nin eyaletlerde ve federal düzeyde parlamentoya girmesi, uyumu etkilemeye devam etmektedir.
Suudi Arabistan'ın Arap Baharı devrimlerine yönelik dış politikası
Arap ülkelerinde baş veren ve mevcut yönetimlere karşı bir halk hareketi olarak başlayan bir dizi olayın genel tanımlaması maksadıyla kullanılan "Arap Baharı" terimi ilerleyen dönemde farklı anlamları kendi bünyesinde barındırır hale gelmiştir. Tunus, Mısır, Libya gibi ülkelerde başlayıp zamanla etkileri diğer Arap ülkelerine yayılan halk hareketleri adı anılan ülkelerde yönetim değişikliklerine ve hatta rejim değişikliklerine yol açmıştır. Halk hareketlerinin başladığı coğrafyalarda ve bunlara komşu devletlerin konuya bakışı yönetimlerin farklı stratejileri ve reel-politik sebebiyle değişkenlik göstermektedir. Suudi Arabistan devleti bahse konu coğrafyada ehemmiyetli bir yere sahiptir. Suudi Arabistan'ın önemi, ciddi petrol rezervlerine sahip olması yanında İslamiyet'in kutsal mekânlarına sahip olmasıyla belirgin hale gelmektedir. Arap Baharı ile ortaya çıkan gelişmelere komşu devletler farklı reflekslerle tepki vermişlerdir. Bu tepkileri belirleyen unsurlar tarihsel, ekonomik, politik ve son olarak kültürel nedenlere dayalı gelişebilmektedir. Arap Baharı ile ortaya çıkan halk hareketleri genel olarak demokrasi talebi ve ülkelerdeki baskıcı, otoriter yönetimlere karşı bir oluşum biçiminde nitelendirilmekteydi ancak zamanla her ülkede farklı iç ve dış dinamiklerle ilerleyen bu hareketler dönüşüme uğramış ve birbirinden farklı neticeler vermiştir. Günümüz dünyasında iç dinamiklerin dış ilişkilerden etkilenmesi doğaldır. Arap Baharı olgusu zamanlama itibariyle oldukça yeni ve kısmen halen devam etmekte olan bir süreci ifade etmektedir. Bu yapısı itibariyle konuya dair yeterli çalışmanın henüz yapılmadığını ve sonuçları ortaya çıkmaya devam ettikçe bu olgunun daha doğru değerlendirileceğini ifade etmek gerekir. Mevcut durum itibariyle Arap Baharı'nın direkt etkisine maruz kalmayan Suudi Arabistan bu hareketlere karşı bir tutum içinde olmuştur. Halkının toplumsal taleplerinden ziyade yönetiminin güvenlik algısı bu duruma sebebiyet vermiştir. Arap Baharı benzeri geniş yayılımlı toplumsal olaylara verilen tepkiler artık iç ve dış ilişkilerin bir toplamı olarak ele alınmak durumundadır. Suudi Arabistan'ın yakın ve uzak komşusu olan ülkelerde devam eden olaylara olan tepkisi de tehdit ve güvenlik algısından kaynaklanmaktadır. Suudi Devletinin Arap Baharı bağlamında dış politika okuması yapılırken yakın ve uzak soydaş ve komşuları ile olan ilişkileri de bu kapsamda birinci planda irdelenmesi gereken bir konudur.
Hindistan'ın Orta Asya enerji politikası ve Afganistan'ın güvenliğine etkileri
Afganistan, Pakistan ve Hindistan, zaman zaman bu ülkeler arasındaki gergin ilişkilere rağmen uzun bir dini, kültürel ve dilsel yakınlık geçmişini paylaşmaktadır. Türkmenistan - Afganistan - Pakistan - Hindistan (TAPI) Projesi gibi projelerin, komşu ülkelerin ortak bir ekonomik çıkarlatınn etrafında bir araya gelmelerine yardımcı olacağını dair umut vardır. TAPI Projesi kapsamında Türkmenistan'dan Afganistan, Pakistan ve Hindistan'a doğalgaz taşıyacak 1.814 kilometrelik bir boru hattın tasarım, satın alma, inşaat, işletme ve bakım işleri bulunmaktadır. Doğalgaz boru hattın 214 kilometrelik bölümü Türkmenistan'ı geçiyor, Afganistan'a 774 kilometrelik bir bölüm kurulacak ve 826 kilometre'lik bölümü de Pakistandan geçecek. TAPI doğalgaz boru hattının tam olarak devreye geçmesinden sonra, 30 yıl boyunca yıllık 33 milyar metreküp doğalgaz ihraç edilmesi beklenmektedir. Hindistan ve Pakistan, her biri 14 milyar metreküp/yıl alacak, kalan 5 milyar metreküp/yıl ise Afganistan'a tedarik edilecek. TAPI Projesinde, Pakistan ve Hindistan artan enerji ihtiyaçlarını gidericek, Türkmenistan da geniş doğalgaz rezervleri için pazarı genişletirecek, Afganistan da transit ücreti tahsil ediyor. Bir doğalgaz boru hattı olan TAPI Projesi, bölgesel rakipler arasında işbirliğini geliştirme ve bölge genelinde ekonomik kalkınmanın güçlendirme potansiyeline sahip bir "barış boru hattı"dır. Ayrıca, TAPI Projesi Afganistan'daki şiddeti azaltma ve Afganistan'da ve Pakistan ile Hindistan gibi bölgesel rakiplerde, güvenlik ve bölgesel istikrarı sağlama potansiyeline de sahiptir.
Ortak enerji politikaları doğrultusunda Türkiye-Azerbaycan ilişkileri
Osmanlı Devleti'nin kuruluşundan bugüne kadar bakıldığında Azerbaycan toprakları üzerinde sürekli yaşanan bir güç mücadelesinden bahsedebiliriz. Osmanlı Döneminde Azerbaycan toprakları üzerinde kurulmuş olan devletler ile genel olarak pasif kalmayı tercih ederek diplomasi yoluyla sorunların çözülmesine çalışılmışken aynı zamanda bölge üzerinde diğer çatışan devletlerin birbirlerini güçsüzleştirerek kolay şekilde gücünü korumuş olan Osmanlı Devleti bölgede etkin güçlerden biri olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Bölge üzerinde Büyük Timur İmparatorluğu, Karakoyunlu Devleti, Akkoyunlu Devleti, Şirvanşahlar Devleti ve son olarak Safevi Devletiyle bölge üzerinde güç mücadelesine girilmiştir. Türkiye-Azerbaycan ilişkilerinin tarihi ayağının bu devletler ve Osmanlı Devleti'nin mücadelesi üstünden bahsedilmiştir. Bu dönem içinde birbirlerini genel olarak tehdit olarak gören devletler ve halklar ile yeterli iletişim ve ilişkiler kurulamamış ya pasif ya da aktif şekilde sürekli bir çatışma ortamı olmuştur. Birbirlerine sınırı olan Azerbaycan ve Türkiye'nin bugün bu koşullarda birbirine bu kadar kenetlenmiş ilişkiler kurmasında önemli bir rol oynayan tarihi ilişkileri Osmanlı Devleti'nin bölge üzerindeki hakimiyetini Küçük Kaynarca Antlaşması ile Çarlık Rusya'sına vermesiyle başlamıştır. Bölge üzerinde yaşayan yoğun Türk nüfusunu kendine bir tehdit olarak gören Çarlık Rusya çoğunluk halindeki Türkleri zorla göç ettirerek, katlederek ya da asimilasyonlar yoluyla bölgeden atmaya ya da sindirmeye çalışmıştır. Kafkas halkları üzerinde yoğun şekilde yapılmaya çalışılan bu baskı ortamı özellikle Azerbaycan Türklerine karşı yoğun bir şekilde yapılmıştır. Bölge üzerinde Ermenilerle birlikte silahlı bir şekilde silahsız ve masum inşalara saldırılmış, bölge ve bölge kaynakları kontrol altına alınmıştır. Yoğun katliam ve zulümlere maruz kalan Azerbaycan Türkleri Mehmet Emin Resulzâde önderliğinde örgütlenerek Osmanlı Devleti'nden yardım istemiştir yardımları olumlu şekilde karşılanan Azerbaycan Türklerine Nuri Paşa önderliğinde bir ordu toplanarak yardım için gönderilmiştir. Kafkas İslam Ordusu adı altında toplanan ordu ileriki zamanlarda hem Azerbaycan Türkleri ve topraklarını Ermeni ve Rus katliamlarından ve işgallerinden kurtaracaktır hem de ileriki dönemlerde Azerbaycan ordusunun çekirdeğini oluşturacaklardır. Bağımsızlık sürecinin ardından Türkiye ile Azerbaycan'ın gelişen ve hala gelişmekte olan ilişkilerinde tarihi bağların oluşturduğu sıkı ilişkilere bir de ekonomik ilişkiler eklenmiştir ve gelişen bu ekonomik ilişkiler "stratejik ortaklık" düzeyine kadar yükselmiştir. Yoğunlukla enerji boru hatları üzerine kurulan bu ilişkiler iki devletin bölge üzerinde olan stratejik konumlarını nasıl değiştirdiğini ya da etkilediğinden bahsedilecektir. Türkiye ile Azerbaycan'ın kurmuş olduğu Doğu-Batı hattının bölge ya da bölge dışı devletler üzerinde olan etkilerinden bahsedilecektir. Rusya ile yoğun miktarda enerji ithalatı yapan Avrupa Birliği ülkelerinin yanı sıra projelerde yer alan ve bölge devletlerinden olan Gürcistan'ın, aynı zamanda projelerde yer alan fakat bölge dışı aktörlerden olan İtalya ve Yunanistan'dan ve bölge devletlerinden olan fakat projelerde yer almayan Ermenistan, İran ve Rusya'nın bu enerji hatlarından nasıl etkilendiklerinden bahsedilecektir.
21. yüzyıl'da küresel risk toplumu: COVID-19 örneği
Toplumların özellikleri eski çağlardan günümüze kadar birçok değişim ve gelişim kaydetmiştir. Bu değişim ve gelişmeler her alanda olup sanayi devrimi, teknoloji, küreselleşme gibi unsurlarla hız kazanıp desteklenmiştir. Olumlu sonuçlar kadar olumsuz sonuçları da olan bu değişim ve gelişmeler, insan topluluklarındaki risk kavramını derinleştirmiş ve bireysel düzeye indirgemiştir. Son yıllarda tüm dünyayı etkisi altına alan COVID-19 hastalığının pandemi süreci uluslararası ilişkiler felsefesi kapsamında birçok haber, gazete, makale ve tez çalışmalarında ele alınmıştır. Riskin dünya üzerindeki yayılma hızı ve etkilerine modernizm ve post-modernizm teorileri ışığında yer verilmiştir. Bununla birlikte meydana çıkan COVID -19 gibi bir küresel riskin insan hayatına ve uluslararası sisteme ne tür yenilikler ve bilinmezlikler kazandırdığı analizi yapılmıştır.
Türk siyasal hayatında feminizm ve siyaset ilişkisi
Kadının toplum içindeki yeri ve konumu, geçmişten günümüze, her toplumda farklı düzeylerde gelişme göstermiştir. Toplumsal yaşamda kadınların maruz kaldığı ataerkil tahakkümün ortadan kaldırılmasına yönelik kadın hareketleri, günümüzde siyasal ideolojilerden biri olarak kabul edilen feminizme zamanla evrilmiş, böylece feminizmin siyasete etkisi konusu, hem akademik alanda hem de uygulama sahasında daha görünür hale gelmiştir. Bu çerçevede Türkiye'de de feminizmin siyasete olan etkisi her ne kadar uluslararası gelişmelerden etkilenmiş olsa da, kendine özgü nitelikte ve hızda seyretmiştir. Bu nedenle, Türkiye'deki feminizm-siyaset ilişkisinin kendine özgün niteliklerinin ortaya konulması, uluslararası gelişmeler ile benzerliklerin ve farklılıkların anlaşılması ve ulusal dinamiklerin açıklanması önem arz etmektedir. Bu tezde; Türkiye'de, siyasete etki açısından dalgalı bir seyir izleyen feminist hareketlerin, Türk siyasal yaşamında kadının siyasetteki konumunun revizesine ne boyutlarda katkı sağladığının belirlenmesi amaçlanmaktadır.