952
Arşivlenen Tez
0
DOI Atanmış
0%
DOI Oranı
Anabilim Dalı
Korunmaya muhtaç çocuklara yerinden yönetim işlevi ile hizmet veren bir hayır kurumu: Nesin Vakfı
Sosyal devlet politikasının önceliği, toplumsal ihtiyaçların giderilmesidir. Bu ihtiyaçlar; gelir dağılımı, vergide adalet, sosyal barış, sosyal güvenlik ve sağlıktır. Bunun yanı sıra sosyal yardımlar ve korunmaya muhtaç insanların varlığı özellikle de kadınlar, yaşlılar, engelliler ve çocuklar odaklıdır. Bu görev, merkezi yönetimin gücü ve desteğiyle yerel yönetimlerin sorumluluğunda olup zaman zaman ihtiyaçlar üzerinden özel teşebbüsler olarak dernekler ve vakıflar da görev üstlenir. Ülkemizde sosyal adaletin sağlanması ve insanlığa hizmet amacı ile ortaya çıkan bu görev dağılımları ile çeşitli projeler üretilir. Amaç yardıma ve korunmaya muhtaç insanların hayatlarını idame ettirmelerinde süreklilik sağlamaktır. Özel bir teşebbüs olarak ''Nesin Vakfı''; korunmaya muhtaç çocuklara hizmet vererek onların en tabii ihtiyaçları; barınma, sağlık, beslenme ve eğitim gibi temel gereksinimlerini karşılamaktadır. Vakfın ideolojisi; çocukların üretken ve kendi hayatını tek başına idame edecek konuma gelene kadar yetiştirilmelerini sağlamaktır. Amaç; çocukların tüketen değil üreten, emekten yana olup kendi ayakları üstünde durabilmelerinin sağlanmasıdır. Bunun yanı sıra çocukları vicdanı hür ve fikri hür insanlar olarak ülkemize ve dünyamıza kazandırma amacıyla yola çıkan Vakıf, aslında Aziz NESİN 'in halkına olan vefa borcunu ödeme şeklidir. Aziz NESİN'in yaşamındaki yokluk ve yoksullukların içinde kazandığı edinimleri ve kurduğu '' Nesin Vakfı'' araştırmalar ışığında anlatılacaktır . Anahtar Kelimeler: Nesin Vakfı, Sosyal Politika, Sosyal Hizmetler, Vakıf,Korunmaya Muhtaç Çocuklar.
Regional integration and the politics of hydropower: Study on potential of hydropower integrations and Ethiopia's role in IGAD region
It is evident that efficient and clean energy supplies are needed to fuel IGAD member countries' development and fight against poverty as energy underpins the provision of clean water, health services, education and communication. Energy is a significant part of the total infrastructure that allows rural and urban poor to grow beyond subsistence activity. However, most proportion of IGAD region societies still dependent on traditional and energy sources and, IGAD region faces challenges of low level of infrastructural development. Fostering interdependence among countries of the region through infrastructure development such as power interconnection, road and railway constructions provide a base for alleviating common challenges and creating closer economic community. Regional integration through energy development is an important aspect of such interdependence. On this regard, as one of water towers of Africa, Ethiopia offers a great deal of opportunity for clean energy production, Ethiopia's potential to generate more than 45,000MW power is enough to meet most of sub-Saharan Africa's current electricity demand. More importantly, Ethiopia's population size, relative internal stability, military power and diplomatic strength have enabled it to position itself as a regional power and to drive regional peace and security initiatives. This thesis aims to explore the major roles that Ethiopia is playing for the formation of integrated community in IGAD region. Theories of intergovermentalism and neo- functionalism supported the study to understand the main principles of integration. Both theories explain regional integration through public goods such as hydropower and its knock on effect for further integration among neighbouring countries. The research questions of this thesis are well approached by qualitative analysis research methodology. The thesis also has the additional merit of being quantitatively backed, as there are empirical data on the integrated projects and potential integrated projects that underscores the theoretical concept of energy hub, and regional integration through public goods.
The relationship between Hamas and Iran after the Syrian uprising
This study examines the Iranian foreign policy towards the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) during the period (2006-2013), which saw the movement's victory in the parliamentary elections in 2006, and the formation of its government, which was boycotted regionally and internationally except for some Islamic countries such as the Islamic Republic of Iran which announced from the first moment its support for the elected Palestinian government, boosting the relationship between Iran and Hamas, yet some events led to the decline in this relationship between the two parties. The year 2013 represents a crucial year in Hamas' rule of the Gaza Strip, when Mohammed Morsi, the Egyptian president was isolated as well as the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the spiritual father of the Hamas Movement. The study relied on several research approaches, including the descriptive, analytical, historical approaches and the analysis of strengths and foreign policy approaches. In addition, the researcher used interviews with specialists and officials as a research tool. This study falls in four chapters, which deals with the elements of Iran's foreign policy, which touches on the relationship between Iran and Hamas. It also addressed the impact of these changes on the Palestinian arena during that period on Iran's foreign policy towards Hamas, and the impact of the Arab revolutions on this policy. The study concluded by presenting a review of the possible future scenarios between the two parties at the regional and international levels. The study found that the Palestinian issue is of major concern to the political decision-maker in Iran, and to support the Palestinian resistance is necessary to confront Israel despite the different positions on the Syrian crisis. Keywords: Hamas, Iran, Foreign policy, Arab spring, Syria
Turkey-Africa relations in the 21st century: Economic diplomacy
Bu tez, özellikle potansiyeller, gelecek perspektifleri ve ilişkilerin sınırları açısından Türkiye'nin Afrika'ya yönelik artan angajmanına yönelik genel bir bakışa odaklanmıştır. Türkiye'nin Afrıka dış politikasının temel özünü inceler ve 21. yüzyılda Afrika ile ilişkilerin arkasındaki temeli analiz eder. Türkiye'nin Afrika'ya neden daha fazla ilgisi var sorusuna cevap vermeye çalışır. Diğer bir deyişle, bu çalışma 21. yüzyılda Türkiye ile Afrika arasındaki ilişkileri canlandıran ekonomik etkileşimleri (diplomasi) inceler. Aynı zamanda Türkiye ile Afrika arasındaki ilişkilerin kurulmasında anahtar araç olarak ekonomiyi gösterir. 90'lı yıllarda Afrika olarak bilinen kıta, 21. yüzyıldaki kadar Türkiye'yi ilgilendirmemekteydi; çünkü Türkiye Batı ile Orta Doğu, Balkanlar, Kafkaslar ve Orta Asya gibi yakın komşularıyla ilişkilerine daha fazla önem vermekteydi. Bu çalışmada 21. yüzyılda Türkiye'nin Afrika'ya ilgisinin arkasındaki temel siyasi, ekonomik dini, kültürel ve stratejik motivasyonlarla birlikte süreçte karşı karşıya kalınan bazı zorluklar tartışılmaktadır. Bu tez üç ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölüm tezde kullanılan dış politika, uluslararası ilişkiler, ekonomi, diplomasi, yumuşak güç ve politik ekonomi gibi bazı temel kavramları tanımlar. İkinci bölüm Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminde Türkiye ile Afrika arasındaki ilişki, Soğuk Savaş döneminde Afrika'ya yönelik Türk dış politikası, Afrika kavramı, Kamerun kavramı ve Türkiye kavramını sunmaktadır. Türkiye'nin Afrika ile ilişkilerine genel bir bakış sağlar. Aynı zamanda Türkiye'nin Afrika politikasını ve Afrika Türkiye ile Afrika arasındaki ilişkilerini şekillendiren ana unsurları ortaya koymaktadır. Üçüncü bölüm, 21. yüzyılda Türkiye ile Afrika arasındaki ilişkilerin sürdürülmesinde temelde ekonomik diplomasi olmak üzere çeşitli yaklaşımları sunar.
Impact of OPEC policies over the global economy: Case of USA
This research-based study identified how OPEC policies have historically shaped global economic outlook; with a case example of United States. The main aim of this study was to reflect upon US's role in strengthening of global economy using OPEC's policies as the frontline mechanism and demonstrate an understanding of the key challenges confronted by world economies (especially emerging countries) by OPEC policies influenced by the super-power US. This also mentions how US has made efforts in reducing its overdependence on OPEC for oil, and how it aims to preserve and enhance national resources so as to gain oil independence. The study was directed using mixed methodologies to examine how the consequences of OPEC policies are helping shape world economies, especially of the US since it does not have very good relations with the OPEC member states in particular.
The influence of Alhouthi movement on international relations in the Middle East region
After Yemeni revolution in 2011, the Houthi movement emerged to the forefront of the political scene in Yemen. By force, it has been able to impose itself as a political partner in the national dialogue and the process of peaceful transition of power. To support its political position, the Houthi movement depends on arms to extend various regions of Yemen. It takes advantage of the political and constitutional vacuum in Yemen and by the time it was able to overthrow the legitimate government and occupies the capitol easily. After that, Houthi movement has become a key engine of the political scene in Yemen that of course will effect on the political scene in the Middle East. All that affects made some changes in international relationship in the Middle East, so researcher will try to monitor these changes, which may lead to the emergenfce of new alliances in the Middle East. Also it tries to answer this question of whether we are at the edge of a new Middle East or not. Keywords: The Houthi Movement, the Conflict in Yemen, International Relationship, the Middle East, ISIS, Iran, the US, the Gulf States.
Islamic political thought, jihadists and society: Egypt, Algeria and Afghanistan in a comparative perspective
There is no doubt that, the contemporary global politics is more complicated, nowadays, the global Jihad movement is one of the main important issues which face the great powers and roiling them, when Jihad is one of the basic duties of Islam, Which focuses on self-defense against the aggressor, we find that lots of Muslim individuals and groups using the concept of Jihad to fight against the political regimes in many Islamic countries and other. This research discuss the relationship between Jihadist groups and Muslim societies, and we focused on some countries witnessed important historical events such as Egypt, Algeria, Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq, Where jihadists began their holy war from these countries, which are still far, These continuing jihadist experiments have had a different impacts on Muslim communities, Whether on the political, social or the psychological aspects. The political organizations mainly are social organizations, Where the community is the only power that can resolving any political conflict, whatever the military power of the parties of the conflict, Therefore, the absence of social incubators support for the political and revolutionary organizations is the most important reasons for the fall and defeat, also the percentage of increase or decrease of the political and religious awareness and social responsibility of individuals are fundamental elements in the management of any conflict.
Africa in the neoliberal age: Between development and IMF/world Bank economic policies
This thesis looks at the impacts of neoliberalism on Africa and argues that the neoliberal policies imposed on African countries by the IMF and World Bank will continue to be detrimental to these countries if changes are not made. These policies that come as conditions to loans include: the privatization of state owned enterprises, the devaluation of local currencies, the abolition of trade barriers like tariffs and taxes and the reduction in government spending especially on social affairs. The thesis argues that these policies have widened the gap between the rich and the poor and at the same time worsened the poverty situation in the continent. It also argues that the introduction of the poverty reduction strategies and debt relief initiatives are only intended to ensure the effective implementation of the structural adjustment policies and not to create change in the current situation of the poor. Keywords: Productivity, Motivation, Performance, Business Management, Quality
Assessing human security through human development in pakistan: Applying Maslow's theory of hierarchical needs
Human Security has gained much of the importance in the recent times due to its crucial links with development particularly talking about sustainable development. Assessing Human security through the human development index will prove beneficial as it undertakes the three most important spheres of human life i.e. health, education and Gross National Income per Capita. Although, Human development index has added few other indicators during the last few years. But the focus of my thesis would be specifically on health, education and Gross National Income indicators. Additionally, my thesis has also assessed the human satisfaction through utilizing Maslow's Theory of Hierarchical Needs keeping in contexts with the human development index. My thesis has explored the major aspects of human development index as a tool to view the human security conditions in Pakistan. Pakistan misses some of the eminent milestones to achieve during the last few decades in the context of human development such as decreasing child mortality rates or increasing primary/secondary enrolment ratios to name some of the factors. In this regard, my thesis will also provide rationales to consider human security aspects while planning policies specifically 'freedom from fear' element. Human security is not only a concept to be studied in curriculums. Rather it is a strategy to be instigated in the state policies and meant to be implemented for better future prospects. Moreover, my thesis has also assessed that the country is struggling in the initial levels of Maslow's theory of Hierarchical needs. Maslow's Theory has provided a framework for the state policy makers to focus on achieving the highest level of human satisfaction, i.e. self-actualization needs. Under-utilization of resources (allocated budget) and policies is a major threat to the population at large whether in health, education or any field of humanity. Furthermore, the countries who has implemented human security in the state policies has progressed rapidly in ensuring wellbeing of its people. Therefore, human security is a unique aspect to deal with the current distressing situation in order to enhance the living conditions of population at large.
Turkish foreign policy towards Africa
After the Cold war, Turkey embarked on a process of refining its foreign policy to position itself strategically in the global scene. This resulted in a shift in its foreign policy towards Africa such that it is now more open to Africa. This thesis aims at analyzing the shift towards Africa and reflects on the policy formulation. The areas to be covered include the traditional foreign policy, new foreign policy changes, focus of Turkish foreign policy on Sub-Saharan Africa. The nature of Turkey's relationship with its traditional allies has significantly influenced its foreign policy towards Africa. The extents to which the different players have been involved in the realization of the Turkey's policy objectives will be analyzed too. The transformation of Turkish foreign policy in favor of Africa is not a reorientation of Turkey from its Western or Eurasian allies, but an autonomous reposition driven by domestic and international dynamics of politics and economy.
Yerel yönetimlerde halkın eğitimi ve hayat boyu öğrenme faaliyetleri
Halk eğitimi merkezlerinin kuruluşu ve amaçları, Türkiye genelinde var olan halk eğitim merkezi sayısı, merkezlerde ne tür kursların açıldığı, katılımcıların kurs sonunda elde ettikleri sertifikaların kendilerine ne gibi bir fayda sağladığı, sertifikaların içeriği, daha çok kimlerin ne tür kurslara ilgi gösterdiği (ev hanımı, memur, öğrenci vs. açısından), eğitimlere başvuru için izlenilecek yolları hizmet alanların ne kadar bildiği, son yıllarda Halk Eğitim Merkezleri'nde ne tür düzenlemeler yapıldığı ve ne tür çalışmalar yapıldığı ve halkın eğitiminde yerel yönetimler ve birlikte HEM 'lerin etkinliği ve yeterliliğini ölçmeye çalışan bir çalışma sunulmuştur. Yerel yönetimlerin halkın eğitimini planlarken kitleleri, hayat boyu öğrenme çerçevesinde değerlendirmesi gerekliliği ve birçok hassasiyeti içine alan ciddi planlamalar yapmasının HBÖ içindeki rolünün ne derece önemli olduğunun fark edilmesi de araştırmanın içinde verilerle gösterilmiştir. Yerel yönetimler ve HEM 'lerin HBÖ içinde çok ciddi misyonlar yüklenmiş olduğu da kaçınılmaz bir görüştür. Okuma- yazma bilmeyen her vatandaşın özellikle; kadınların ve genç kızların buluşma noktası olan yetişkin eğitimi merkezlerinin, zaman değerlendirmek, psikolojik rehabilitasyon sağlamak, sosyalleşmek isteyen; 7'den 77' ye her yaşta insanın aynı öğrenme ortamlarında buluştuğu vazgeçilmez öğrenme ortamları olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Bu araştırma, Yerel Yönetimlerde Halkın Eğitimi ve Hayat Boyu Öğrenme çalışmalarının günümüzdeki gidişatı açısından çok önemli olduğunu ve bu çalışmaların HEM'ler ile işbirliği halinde yapılacak olursa daha ciddi ve süreklilik arz eden eğitimler olacağı konusuna dikkat çekmek üzere yapılmıştır. Araştırmada, ülkemizde yerel yönetimlerce yapılan yetişkin eğitimlerinin siyasal yaptırımlar ve politik duruşlardan etkilendiği, yetersiz ve istikrarsız olduğu ve HEM'lerin aktif çalışmalarının bu faaliyetlerin ardında sessiz sedasız yürütülürken fark edilmediği ve gereken değeri görmediği düşüncesine de vurgu yapılmıştır. Araştırma tecrübe edilen ve gözlemlenen faaliyetler, istatistikler ve anketler ile desteklenmiş ve beklenen sonuç gözlemlenmiştir. Bu araştırma sırasında gerçekte yapılan eğitimlerin birçoğunun günübirlik tüketildiği ve hedefi uzun vadede geri dönüşümü olan çalışmalarla vatandaşın asıl beklentilerinin sistemin istekleriyle çatıştığını ve Yetişkin eğitiminde yerel yönetimlerin belli büyük nüfuslu bölgeler hariç pek de etkili olmadığı görülmüştür. Bulgular, Yerel Yönetimlerin Hayat Boyu Öğrenme faaliyetlerini hakkıyla yaptığını ve halkın eğitimi için STK 'lar dâhil tüm kurum ve kuruluşların elbirliği ile çalışmalar yapması gerektiği görülmüştür.
Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the dynamics of economic integration in the far east
This thesis is focused on an overview "Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Dynamics of Economic Cooperation in the Far-East". It portrays and examines the main essence and elements shaping Shanghai Cooperation and economic dynamics in the Far East. Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is mostly centered on key aspect like such as terrorism, separatism, and extremism so as to effectively administer its region. The thesis is divided into five chapters, with the first chapter providing a short introduction of the thesis. The second chapter deals with the conceptual framework, thus defining important key terms like; Shanghai Cooperation, Dynamics, Economic Cooperation, Fars East, and Cooperation, and also gives a theoretical framework. Chapter three is centered on the historical framework. This chapter explains the evolutions of SCO and its transformation of functions, aspiring members, China's role and interest in SCO, the oil and gas politics, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Chapter four outlines the SCO and its dynamics of trade in the Far East. This chapter covers most of the hard core of this thesis, and focused on topics such as; the maintenance of domestic stability and territorial integrity, attitude of other nations toward SCO, the transformation of Shanghai five to Shanghai Cooperation Organization, areas of economic cooperation, competition, and economic institution, business council, SCO inter-bank association, the influence of SCO in economic development and trade dynamics, economic cooperation inside SCO, SCO as an umbrella for economic cooperation, Cooperation in energy areas, and China as a major core for trade and investment. There are some challenges faced by the organization. This includes the fact that there are diverging interests among the SCO members. National interests are deeper among the member states than common a regional interest that provides strong impetus driving economic cooperation and development. While the organization has been able to found institutions to boost regional integration efforts, major power rivalry –the issue of core and periphery—among Russia and China, with the former seeking security interest by using the organization as a platform, the latter seeking economic interest by using the SCO as a new export market for its goods. One major area which is share by all however is security. In one way or the other, security is considered a common interest though not by all members. Some still prefer their national interest when it comes to the issue. For instance, deep rifts between India and Pakistan, and Iran's support of some hard line groups. The last chapter is the conclusion, which provides an overview of this thesis and possible recommendations. Keywords: SCO, Institutions, integration, economy, trade, Far-East, security, soft power, dynamics, terrorism, separatism, extremism
Türkiye ve İran dış politikası üzerinde kamu diplomasisinin etkisi : Irak & Suriye örnekleri (2000 – 2016)
This thesis shall focus on the role of public diplomacy of the Republic of Turkey and the Islamic Republic of Iran to their foreign policy approaches since 2000; a case study largely dwells on the developments in Iraq and Syria. For Turkey, the focal starting point is since the time the Justice and Development Party won the 2002 general election. In case of Iran, this issue will be contemplated by considering the 8th - , 9th- 10th and 11th governments; that is, the government of Seyed Mohammad Khatami (2nd term in office; 2001-2005), Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005 - 2013) and the government of Hassan Rouhani since 2013 as the 11th government. Turkey and Iran are effective, influential and powerful countries in the region in the sense that their foreign policy approaches toward each other and with respect to other States is of crucial importance both for the regional stability and for the wider global peace. Seeing that, the aim is to find the answer that to what extent their public diplomacy determines their foreign policy approaches in Syria and Iraq, what are the parameters and the tools of their public diplomacy and what has been or would be the outcome. The objectives that might help to reach the aforementioned aim is to understand what is/are the logic and policy behind their decision and selection of their regional interests considering the developments in Syria and Iraq. I have tried to analyze the paths and approaches they adopted in the application of different tools of public diplomacy by comparison and description. To this aim, in this study, the public diplomacy and foreign policy of Turkey and Iran towards developments in Iraq and Syria illustrated in terms of effectiveness and pro-activism, considering the impacts of their political culture, political structures, historical background, geographical location, ideological intentions and geopolitical position. Among many of these factors that directly affects their stances in various fields, is the characteristic of representing two different sects of religion of Islam, which, by itself, has caused many challenges such as sectarian or religious oriented alliances and conflicts during the ages. This fundamental nature, specially, becomes more subtly evident particularly since 2011 with the start of Syrian crisis. Other global and regional incidents like 9/11, the occupation of Iraq by the U.S. in 2003 and 2010 Arab Spring, each has also distinctly had its own share of its impacts on their stances towards their foreign policy approaches in Syria and Iraq. In the same manner, factors such as their lobbying power and the status of their engagement in the region based on their memberships in regional and international organizations have also relatively affected the framework of the strategic planning for their public diplomacy and foreign policy approaches. Under such circumstances, their political stances revealed and uncovered out of the emergence of new religious based coalitions and alliances and, as a consequence, has aggravated the ongoing crisis in the region. Such a climate became a dangerous incentive for these countries to set out a serious provocative show of power, albeit, not addressing directly to each other. Even if their foreign policy approaches may not be a direct reflection of this characteristic; it has become the root and cause of, at least, many misunderstandings and, as the result, many challenges. Competitive relations made them to utilize relatively similar instruments of public diplomacy; however, they could not stay untouched by the ramifications of the regional and global developments such as 9/11, the U.S. occupation of Iraq in 2003, Arab Spring in 2010 and the start of Syria crisis in 2011. Under the effect of these developments and their ideological and strategic preferences, their public diplomacy initiatives have not been proper for directing their foreign policies for the ultimate benefits of the region. More accurately, although they felt responsible to design new structure to promote their existing norms in public diplomacy either for the sake of success of their own domestic and foreign policy or, perhaps, establishment of sustainable peace in Syria and Iraq, there has not been much " serious will for cooperation" over Syria and Iraq; moreover, Iran and Turkey have been continuously criticizing each other. However, apart from these parameters, Turkey and Iran have been historically as bridges in terms of culture and economy; a characteristics which has not only given their ties a unique status in the region but also determine how these countries relate to each other in the regional developments. On the other side of the coin, the said regional developments provided new climate and opportunity for Turkey and Iran to benefit the power vacuum or lack of domestic authority in Iraq and Syria to promote either their optimal political system, rather than appropriate policies, or in an attempt to prevent any harmful shift of the regional balance of power, which can also be evaluated as their quest for the regional hegemony. So, theories that determined to explore the nature of foreign policy and public diplomacy of Turkey and Iran in Iraq and Syria, should consider the issue of regional hegemony, too. Accordingly, in the process of power employment by these countries in Syria and Iraq, soft instruments such as norms, values and identities are applied. That is, soft power applied besides hard power since the theoretical framework should consider both the hard and soft dimensions of power. Considering the fact that the "Constructivism" regards important places for values, norms and identity and looks at the relationship between the structure and broker and/or agent with interactive manner and as mutually constituted ( Wendt 2000) , it has more potential and capacity in analyzing the foreign policy of Turkey and Iran with regard to developments in Syria and Iraq. This theory pays attention not only to both materialistic and non-materialistic dimensions but also to micro and macro in a dynamic and non- stationary process. That is, it pays attention to those matters related to norms and realities regarding regional structure. In the social science, Structure is the intermittent patterned arrangements, which influence or limit the choices and opportunities available. On the other hand, Agency is the capacity of individuals to act independently and to make their own free choices. Barker (2005, p.448). The structure versus agency debate may be understood as an issue of socialization against autonomy in determining whether an individual acts as a free agent or in a manner dictated by social structure. In such manner, in term of IR theory, this contribution considers the nature of their policies in the context of Constructivism, as it is able to explicate and analyze these two countries behavioral patterns. On the other hand, their relations has been always experiencing ups and downs but at the same time when economic factors and cooperation attain prominence vis-à-vis politics, along with cultural cooperation, it has worked as a core and motor of maintaining warm mutual relations. However, the fact is that this has not been able to help for regional peace because furthering trade and economic cooperation has only eased the path for furthering mutual political willingness. There are various aspects, such as regional and International interests, historical backgrounds, geographical and geopolitical location, memberships in regional and International organizations, which has made them pursuing different approaches in their diplomacies that inescapably affected their selection and preferences of coalition and corporation both in regional and global spheres. In this regard, there are some preliminary questions to ask in order to arrive at proper solid responses. These questions constitute the macro-level part of the present study; 1- What are the public diplomacy tools of Turkey and Iran in Syria and Iraq? 2- How their public diplomacy has managed to a contributive foreign policy for the achievement of peace and stability in Iraq and Syria? The Justice and Development Party has been on power in Turkey since 2002 .In the case of Iran, been different parties have been in power since 2002. That is, during 1997-2005 the reformists (Eslah-talaban) were in power in the 7th and 8th governments. Then Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the candidate from conservative party (Osool-garayan) won the elections in two consecutive terms as the sixth and seventh President in 9th and 10th governments from 2005 to 2013. Dr.Hassan Rouhani mostly influenced by reformist (Eslah-talaban) and much less affected by the "Moderates" (Eetedal-garayan), won the election in 2013 as the eighth President in the 11th government. The governing political parties in these countries and their political structures have affected the paradigms of their public diplomacy since, by definition, public diplomacy acts with the help of tools such as media and communication; considering that, the application of these tools varies in these countries based on the instructions of constitution law, political culture, political system, geography and historical background; moreover, the preferences of the governing political parties. I will conclude that the foreign policies of Turkey and Iran have been seriously influenced by their public diplomacy approaches in negative manner. This has caused them to become inconsistent albeit proactive under the effect of new developments, both global, regional and the needs of their domestic policies. More accurately, the existing situation has naturally made them more curious, concerned and beware of with regard to their mutual policies and stances as a kind of direct or indirect response.
Dağlık Karabağın tarihi: Türkiye'nin Karabağ politikasında istikrarlı tutumu
Dağlık Karabağ Azerbaycan toprakları içinde bölgedir. Ermeniler tarafından işgal olunub. Bölgenin toprak nüfüsu 4,400 .İnsan nufusu 1990'da nüfusu 192.000'e ulaşmış. Nüfus Ermeniler (% 25), Azerbaycan türkleri (% 70), Kürtler, Ruslar ve Rumlardan oluşmaktadır. Orta Hankendi (Stepanakert) ve başka büyük şehir Şuşa ilidir. Eskiden Albaniya (Kafkas Albaniyası). M.Ö. MS 95 yılında Tigran tarafından işgal edildi. IV. Yüzyılın başında Albanlar Albanıya geri döndüler ve M.Ö 387'de tekrar Albanıya girdiler. Sekizinci yüzyıldan beri Albaniya topraklarında büyümüş ve Batı'da Pers olarak var olmuştur. XVII yüzyılın başında İran, XVIII. Yüzyılda Karabağ hanlığı içinde (meliklik) özerklik sahibi oldular. 1813 yılında Dağlık Karabağ (Dağlık Karabağ) Anlaşması Rusya'ya devredildi. 1822 yılında Karabağda hanlığı kaldırıldı ve Rus hükümeti, Türkiye ve İran'dan 1 milyondan fazla Ermeni Karabağa köç etdi. 1923'te Dağlık Karabağ Özerk Bölgesi kuruldu. 1989'da Azerbaycan Parlamentosu kararı ile özerklik kaldırıldı. 1980'lerin sonunda ve 1990'lı yılların başında bölgede meydana gelen etnik çatışmalar ve Ermenistanın birleşmesi talepleri Ermenistan ve Azerbaycan arasında bir savaşa dönüştü. 1994'te Bişkek'te ateşkes anlaşması imzalandı. Dağlık Karabağ'taki yerel "hükümet" 1991'de bağımsızlığını ilan etti. Ancak şu ana kadar bu "bağımsızlık dünyadaki herhangi bir ülke tarafından tanınmadı.
Belediyelerde katı atıkların yönetimi: Başakşehir Belediyesi örneği
Çevre kirliliklerinin önlenmesinde yerel yönetimler üst düzeyde görevler üstlenmişlerdir. Özellikle kentte yönetim unsuru olarak ön planda olan yerel yönetim birimleri kenti korumak ve bu bağlamda çevreyi kirlilik açısından en aza indirmeye yönelik adımlar atılmıştır. Sözgelimi katı atık yönetimi konusunda belediyeler yetkili ve karar alan kuruluşlardır. Katı atıkların toplanmasından bertarafına kadar olan süreçte tüm sorumluluk yerel yönetimlere düşer. Atık, yok edilmesi gereken bir madde değil geri kazanılması gereken kaynak olarak görülmektedir. Bu açıdan katı atıkların geri dönüşümü, günümüzde ekonomik, çevresel ve yasal olarak önemli bir konu durumuna gelmiştir.
Kazakhstan's role in strengthening the Turkic Council and regional cooperation in Central Asia
This thesis examines the cooperation among the Central Asian Turkic Republics and Turkey in the socio-economic, political, cultural areas, and regional cooperation and security in Central Asia, besides the role of the Kazakhstan in the activities of the Turkic Council under the framework of New Regionalism and Liberal Institutionalism. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the meetings of the Presidents of the Turkic States and the Turkic Council Summits between Central Asian Turkic Republics and Turkey have become increasingly important. In this study, the main themes of the high level summits are analyzed and the role of the Turkic Council in strengthening and improving relations among the Turkic States are also discussed. The member countries of the Turkiс Council cooperate in the framework of international organizations. Kazakhstan has played a significant role in the development of initiatives of the Turkiс Council.The aim of this thesis is to determine the activities of the Turkic Council and the role of Kazakhstan in strengthening cooperation in the context of cooperation and security issues in Central Asia. In the first part of the thesis, after discussing the socio-economic and political relations in the newly emerged states in Central Asia after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the interests of powerful actors, such as,Turkey, USA, China, Russia and the European Unionin Central Asia areexamined. The second section deals with regional co-operation and security issues in Central Asia, and Kazakhstan's policies concerning these issues and its role in strengthening the regional cooperation.In the third chapter, the activities of the Turkiс Council, its the policies and strategies regarding the development of regional cooperation are evaluated. In addition, in this thesis, important factors of the cultural, psychological and communicative closeness of the Turkish people are emphasized, which are necessary for strengthening the integration unity and determining common interests, Moreover, the current problems encountered in the integration process by the Turkic Republics are included.
Territorial conflict: Case study of Cameroon and Nigeria over the Bakassi peninsula
Territorial conflict within the context of Africa is a re-occuring situation. The history of these conflicts has struck almost every corner of the African continent. In the case of the Bakassi peninsula between Cameroon and Nigeria, it seem relative to other cases within the continent. As a common phenomenon of these kinds of dispute, the issues are easilly transformed to long wars. However, in the case of Bakassi, it is necessary to appraise the dispute in view of its perculiariaty as these states avoided war regarless of the numerous aggressive confrontations. Territorial conflicts in Africa generally are hereditary in nature due to the continents colonial history. The case of Bakassi like many different cases of territorial conflict in Africa comes from a similar position. Notwithstanding, this study has its variations to typical cases of territorial disputes between states. In this study we will get to see just what makes the Bakassi dispute perculiar from other cases of territorial disputes in Africa.
Enhancement of human rights in USA during Obama's presidency
My research question is: Were human rights improved during president Obama's period? I'm going to analyze human rights conformability by historical order in USA. It is obvious that, we can't skip the incident on 11 September as well; because this is the most large-scale terrorist attack for the history of America. 9/11 attacks affected not only US, but also whole world. My thesis argument is about development of human rights during the Obama era. Especially, I emphasize LGBT and Immigration rights. My point of view is that the rights of immigrants and trans-genders were improved during Obama's presidency. I conduct historical research; support my argument by facts and the mixed cases as well. To illustrate transgender immigrants and their treatment while they are inside US borders is one of among many. I'll support my argument by comparing presidency periods of other US presidents with Obama. Then I'm going to compare valuable facts about human rights throughout the US history and conclude my argument. As a result in a final stage my goal is to prove correctness of my argument.
Türk-İsrail ilişkilerinin Türkiye'nin Arap devletleriyle ilişkilerine etkisi
The dissertation analysis the historical aspects of Turkish – Israeli relations and how the Turkish – Israeli relations affected to Turkey‟s relations with Arab states. The main important point is that how these two of non-Arab states of the Middle East region build strategic relations despite of Arab States. Using comparative historical approach, I will analyze in detail the ideological and political problems of contemporary bilateral relations, as well as to consider the impact of Turkish-Israeli relations to the Turkish-Arab relations. Turkey and Israel have tried filling lack of balance of power in the Middle East which emerged after Cold War era as becoming regional powers amongst Arabs. In the thesis it has been analyzed how these rival states need strong strategic partnership with each other despite of Arabs in the region.
Capitalism, nationalism and conflict: World-systems analysis
How capitalism and nationalism which are the basic components of world politics create a system is the main question of this thesis consists of five main sections. In the first chapter, main question of the thesis and research methodology are explained. In the second chapter, the nature of the individual who is the smallest part of national belonging is being discussed by creating a conceptual background. Also, in terms of political philosophy the presence and purpose of state which is the main part of the system and the starting book of capitalist economy are being discussed. Lastly, the concept of the system is being defined. In the third chapter, the essential parts of capitalism, neo-liberal globalization effects on class conflict, science and genders, with conflict environment caused by state-market connection created by capitalist economy are being examined. In the fourth chapter, it includes historical analysis of the concept of nationalism and the problem of cultural and ethnic conflict, which is the main problem of nation states. In the fifth chapter, it contains the efforts of states to gain power, democratization and development in the world political system created by capitalism and nationalism. In the sixth chapter on capitalism, nationalism and conflict the questions in the hypothesis are answered. In conclusion, order which in the world political system outcomes are evaluated in the light of such information. Keywords: Capitalism, Nationalism, World-System.
Stratejik istihbarat bağlamında karşılaştırmalı savaş teorileri ve stratejistler
Bireyin varoluşsal olarak kazandığı dürtülerin başında yer alan güvenlik ve merak olgusu zaman içinde devletlerin bünyesinde de içselleşmiş ve bunun sonucunda güvenliğin temini hususunda istihbarat faaliyetleri ortaya çıkmıştır. Modern öncesi zamanlarda yapılan istihbarat faaliyetleri doğadaki vahşi yaşamdan korunma üzerine inşa edilmişken, yaşam şartlarının ve tehdit kapsamının genişlemesi ayrıca teknolojik yenilikler gibi parametreler, istihbaratın dönüşüme uğramasına neden olmuştur. Ortaçağ Savaşları, Napoleon Savaşları, Birinci ve İkinci Dünya Savaşı dönemlerinde muharebe alanları ve düşman ilişkileri ile sınırlandırılan istihbarat faaliyetleri, büyük strateji olgusu ile eklemlenmeden varlığını devam ettirmiştir. Soğuk Savaş dönemi ile birlikte uzun dönemli hedefleri kapsayan stratejik istihbarat ve büyük strateji olguları girift bir yapıda seyir etmeye başlamış, dost unsurları ve barış dönemlerini de kapsamına dahil etmiştir. Günümüzde devletlerin varlığını devam ettirebilmesi için istihbarat faaliyetlerinin yanında büyük stratejilere de önem vermesi gerekmektedir. Stratejik istihbaratın unsurları ile simbiyotik bir ilişkiye sahip olan büyük strateji olgusu, 21. yüzyılın uluslararası siyasi konjonktüründe üst sıralara yükselmiştir. Bunun sonucunda da akademik bir disiplin olarak adlandırılan stratejik istihbarat faaliyetleri ile gerek istenilen durum hakkında bilgi, gerekse de olası bir tehdide yönelik koruma kalkanı pozisyonu gören büyük strateji olgusu, savaş kavramıyla bütünleşmiştir. Modern ve güçlü olarak tanımlanan devletlere bakıldığında stratejik istihbarat, strateji ve harekât planlarının üçlü bir yapı oluşturdukları görülmektedir. Literatür taraması yapılarak hazırlanan bu çalışmada; ekonomik, askeri, teknolojik, diplomatik, psikolojik, sosyolojik vb. faktörlerin bir araya geldiği ve yapılan analizler neticesinde meydana çıkarılan sentezin devletlerin yol haritalarını oluşturduğuna işaret edilmiş, strateji unsurunun önemi vurgulanmıştır. Sun Tzu'dan başlayarak günümüze kadar devletlerin örnek aldığı ve uyguladığı stratejiler ile bu teorilerin sahibi olan stratejistler önem ve kronolojik sıra takip edilerek incelenmiştir. Tehdit ve savaş faaliyetlerinden korunabilmek için önem verilmesi gereken; istihbarat, stratejik istihbarat, strateji ve büyük stratejinin üzerinde durulmuş, bu unsurların bir bütünün parçaları olduğunun altı çizilmiştir. "Stratejik İstihbarat Bağlamında Karşılaştırmalı Savaş Terorileri ve Stratejistler" isimli bu çalışma daha sonraki çalışmalara katkı sunmak ve stratejik istihbaratın önemine dikkat çekmek için hazırlanmıştır.
Somaliland-Somalia talks: Historical background, process and prospects
Talks among states or among states and non-state actors are mainly secession talks or peace talks (conflict resolution). The purpose of the secession talks is to determine the future relations of two territories – whether they will stay united or separate into two states. Moreover, Negotiations are a crucial part in the process of recognizing new states. Most of the newly seceded, and then, internationally recognized states achieved this position through dialogue. This thesis examines the dialogue process between the Government of Somaliland and the Federal Government of Somalia that started in London in 2012 and collapsed in Istanbul in 2015. The former Somaliland British Protectorate and the former Italian Somaliland united on 1 July 1960, after gaining their independence from Britain and Italy (Italian Somaliland being under UN Mandated Italian Trusteeship) on 26 June and 1 July 1960, respectively, and thus forming the Somali Republic. After a 30-year long union, the central government of Somalia collapsed in 1991, when armed rebel groups, after a brutal civil war, ousted the late military dictator Mohamed Siad Barre. Consequently, Somaliland announced its secession from Somalia on 18 May 1991, and the two countries were separate ever since. Since the 2012 London Conference on Somalia, six round talks took place in London, Dubai, Ankara, Istanbul (twice) and Djibouti. However, the seventh round (Istanbul III) failed in January 2015 and then, the collapse of the entire dialogue process followed. The factors that led to the collapse of the talks include distant political positions, domestic and external pressure, lack of implementation of the previous agreements and unaddressed grievances and injustices.
Nationalism in the Balkans: Greater Albania and the Kosovan-Serbian conflict
Writing about the Balkans is quite a broad topic which covers not only the political journey of the Balkan countries but also their history which differs from state to state and has magic on its own. Nationalism in Balkans is a phenomenon which continues still now days. It is a topic which is as old as fresh, a topic which affects us in every aspect of life, whether it is political or social. Especially the latest events occurring in Kosovo and Serbia make it clear that nationalism in this region continues to play an important role. Given the fact that some Balkan countries have quarrel and fierce debates between them for me as an Albanian writing and researching for nationalism is quite special. This work covers not only the background of nationalism in the Balkan countries and its historical approaches but also the Albanian question. Nationalism did not originate in the Balkans but the Balkans became a fertile ground for it to grow, sometimes under the protection and encouragement of foreign powers. This paper examines the importance of nationalism and influences of great powers in the Balkans. The re-emergence of the Great Albanian Case and the Kosovo- Serbian conflict are two of the important aspects of this study. Many studies and researches have been done before from both sides, even though the arguments are in most of the cases partial and subjective. This thesis, based on historical evidences, tries to give an impartial answer to the Albanian question and Kosovo-Serbian conflict. It tries to give arguments based on the events of today's politics, history and geopolitics. It also tries to inquire the possibility for reconciliation by taking into account both sides of the story. Nationalism as an ideology continues to play an important role in every aspect of human's life since it is often the main cause of fights, wars and many disorders as it has been seen throughout history. That's why this topic it's interesting as much as important. The future of countries is inter-connected somehow with the level of their adaptation of nationalism in day to day state affairs. A little or too much of ''nationalism'' has its own advantages and disadvantages, but for the Balkans it has proven to be disastrous.
İran'da insani kalkınma analizi: Eğitim ve cinsiyet eşitsizliği karşılaştırmalı bir bakış açısından
This thesis attempts to address existing gender parities and gaps in Iran compared to Azerbaijan and Turkey in terms of human development perspective. Human development by enlarging people's freedoms and potentials draws the attention to "ends" and insists on both intrinsic and instrumental values of development. The three main components within human development are: capabilities, free agency and achievements. Health, education and per capita income are the essential indicators of Human Development Index (HDI). Each of which has the same ratio in HDI value estimation. Gender inequality as a global phenomenon, increasingly focuses on women's deprivation of education, health, income and social developments. This thesis discusses Iran's educational developments analytically and compares female-to-male progresses in HDI indicators of Iran with Turkey and Azerbaijan. The main goal of human development and capability approach is equal distribution of capabilities and functionings among people. The exceptional status of education in having both intrinsic and instrumental values multiplies the significance of equal education in a global context. In addition to the direct impact of education on total health and income rates, parity in education has the capacity to empower women and make them qualified for well-paid vocations. Iran from 1990 to 2015 has had a sustainable progress in health, education and per capita income. In case of education, Iran has proceeded remarkably in women's access to schools. Iran has almost succeeded to close the gender gap in education, while gender inequality remains in achievements so far. In comparison, in Turkey and Azerbaijan, raising women's capabilities has led to more achievements in terms of economic resources, labor force participation and political participation. According to human development reports, Turkey in capability distribution has experienced more gender disparity than Iran. By filtering the health indicator, Azerbaijan has the best status in gender parity rather than Turkey and Iran. Turkish women's high life expectancy at birth is the best among the analyzed countries. Unlike Iran, educated women in Azerbaijan and Turkey have lower unemployment rates than Iranian women. That is probably why women in Iran recently have less interest to continue their education in tertiary level and this disappointment has reproduced the gender gap.
Yerel yönetimlerde sosyal sorumluluk bağlamında İstanbul Halk Ekmek AŞ.'nin incelenmesi
Sosyal sorumluluk yerel yönetimler açısından hayati önem taşıyan bir konudur. Yerel yönetimler toplumların ortak ihtiyaçlarının karşılanması amacıyla topluma karşı sorumluluğu bulunan kamu kurumu kuruluşlarıdır. Bu nedenle artan hizmet talebi ve beklentiler neticesinde yerel yönetim hizmetleri çeşitlilik göstermektedir. Yönetim anlayışı içinde sosyal sorumluluk politikaları yerel yönetim faaliyetleriyle şekillenmektedir. Bu çerçevede sosyal belediyecilik anlayışını içeren kamu işletmeleri kurulmuştur. Çalışmamız genelinde toplumsal hizmeti ön plana alarak hizmetine devam eden İstanbul Halk Ekmek AŞ. incelenmiştir. İnceleme çerçevesinde Carroll'ın sosyal sorumluluk modelinden yola çıkarak oluşturulan yarı yapılandırılmış soru kalıplarından faydalanılarak nitel bir araştırma yapılmıştır, elde edilen bulgular mevcut literatürde yer alan bilgiler ile karşılaştırılmış ve yorumlanmıştır.
Yerel yönetimlerde karar organı olarak meclis Güngören Belediyesi ilçe meclisi örneği
Araştırmada modern demokrasilerin ve yerel yönetimlerin vazgeçilmezi meclis konusu işlenmiş ve demokrasinin tanımından yola çıkılarak, yönetim kavramı anlatılıp, yerel yönetimler neden vardır? Sorusuna cevap aranmıştır. Türkiye'nin yerel yönetimleri irdelenip, il özel idaresi, ilçe belediyeleri ve büyükşehir belediyelerinin tanımları, ayrıca ilgili kanunlar tarafından verilen görev ve yetkileri açıklanmıştır. Türkiye'de belediyeciliğin tarihsel gelişimi Osmanlı Devleti zamanından bugüne kadarki anayasaların yerel yönetimlere verdikleri önem, ilçe meclislerinin kanunlar çerçevesinde teknik olarak analizi yapılmıştır. Örnek ilçe gösterilen ve hakkında kısa bilgiler verilen Güngören ilçesi ve yerel yönetimi tanıtılarak kurulduğu zamandan günümüze belediye başkanlığı ve belediye meclis üyeliği seçimleri çizelge halinde anlatılmış, son olarak ise Güngören İlçe Meclis üyeleri ile Güngören İlçe Meclisi'nin işlevselliği ve daha ileri seviyelere nasıl taşınabilirliği konularında görüşmeler yapılmıştır.
Birinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan günümüze Ermeni terörizmi
Çeşitli ülkelerde yıllardan beri görülen Ermeni olayları günümüzde daha çok politik olarak devam etmektedir. Ancak daha önceki dönemlerde gerçekleştirilen kanlı eylemler "Uluslararası Terörizm" faaliyetleri arasında tarihte yerini almıştır. Gerçekleştirilen bu eylemlerin kanlı ve insanlık dışı olması ise daha fazla korku ve endişeyi meydana getirmiştir. Ermeni örgütlerinin hedefinde Türkiye ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti diplomatları yer alır. Tüm Ermenilerin ortak sesi olduklarını iddia eden bu örgütler, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'ni ve Azerbaycan'ı parçalayarak kendi hayali projelerini hayata geçirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Özellikle son yıllarda gündemi oldukça meşgul eden Ermeni meselesinin ortaya çıkışı ve bunu destekleyen ülkelerin amacının ne olduğu önceki dönemlerde Ermeni terör örgütlerinin de arkasındaki güçlerin kimler olduğunu gün yüzüne çıkartmıştır. Sözde Ermeni Soykırımı'nın bazı ülkelerce kabul edilmesi ve tarihi gerçeklerin saptırılarak özellikle Karabağ ve Hocalı olaylarının üzerinin örtülmesinin önüne bir türlü geçilememiş ve Ermeni devletinin yaptığı insanlık dışı olaylar yanına kar kalmıştır. Bu çalışmada geçmişten günümüze süre gelen Ermeni terörü ele alınarak tarihi gerçeklerin ışığında günümüzde de hala aynı zihniyetin ortaya çıkabileceğinin araştırılması amaçlanmıştır.
Immigrants in EU: How do local governments help immigrants to integrate
Due to the process of expansion in EU, the immigration has gained a key role in world politics. Integration policies are not new, as we can see in some countries date back to the 1980. There have been important shifts in the debates on integration and in related re configurations of integration policymaking in the past decade. The purpose of the present study was to assess the migration trends in EU countries. Secondly the researcher aimed to evaluate the ways which the local governments adopt to help the immigrants population. Thirdly, the researcher aimed to evaluate the circumstances (social, political or economic) which are created by migration. Fourthly, the researcher aimed to assess the efforts of the host governments for the integration policy for the immigrants in EU. To meet the above mentioned objectives the researcher reviewed researches which are based on primary or secondary data. For answering the various sections of the dissertation, the researcher also have taken the support of departmental information provided on the sites of the various states. As a result, the immigration population facing problems including: language barrier, difficulty in finding accommodation, employment issues, difficulty in adopting a new culture which has different values, norms, beliefs, religion, race, ethnicity, and foods as their native. They face discrimination in various aspects of their life (e.g. employment). The immigrant students also face above issues. Further, the students face financial problems as well as difficulties in school admission process. On the other hand the locals also face various problems with the immigrants as they also have to adjust with the people of different culture in society, workplace and public places. Further, the locals' belief that the immigrants are responsible for crime, terror and un-employment in EU countries. The findings of the research showed with the educational and economic uplifts the immigration towards EU countries increased from around the globe. To handle such massive immigration and increase the immigrant integration, the EU countries have introduced various integration programs. To support immigrant integration, one of the main recent trends is the linkage of integration policy with admission policy. A second trend is the increasing use of obligatory integration measures and integration conditions in naturalization process , and third, integration policymaking is increasingly influenced by European developments, both through vertical (more or less binding regulations, directives etc.) and through horizontal processes (policy learning between states) of policy convergence. An increasing number of EU Member States have, in fact, adopted integration related measures as part of their admission policy, while the impact of such measures on integration processes of immigrants is far less clear. The present research suggests for compromising to locals as well as to immigrants and acceptance the cultural diversity. The governments of member countries of EU should introduce to overcome "immigrant integration issues" while utilizing social institutions like education and mass media.
Security challenges of Cameroon and the effects on France-African relations
This thesis is focused on an overview of Cameroon's security challenges and the direct effects they will have in the entire Central African sub-region if patriotically addressed by the ruling elite. This thesis tries to answer the question why Cameroon though rich has many unattended security challenges. Secondly, it questions its domestic and foreign policies vis-à-vis its immediate neighbors as well as its foreign Western partners. In other words, it explores, firstly, the egocentric politics of its ruling elites and on the international scene, the economic interaction (diplomacy) that fosters the relations between China, and now Russia and very recently, Turkey. It's worth noting that the arrival of Turkey and others directly threatens France's interests. This thesis consists of five main chapters. The first chapter gives a general overview of the research materials and plan of the thesis. The second chapter defines some key concepts like foreign policy, security, France-Afrique and gives an overview of the conceptual framework of security studies beginning first from the general point of view and then narrowing it down to the epicenter of the study, Cameroon. The third chapter presents the history of Cameroon from colonization to independence. It also in some ways highlights its current security challenges. The fourth chapter deeply elucidates the current security threats of Cameroon, the geopolitical positioning of Cameroon and looks at the game in the Gulf of Guinea. It also suggests a largesse why Cameroon and many other countries within the belt of the Gulf of Guinea must endeavor to reformulate their policies for an emerging Africa if they ever dream of advancing. Lastly, the counter security measures come in as the culmination of the study and conclude with what Cameroon has achieved and what the setbacks are.
The establishment of overseas military bases with regard to the international security and distribution of power
The practice of establishing military installations and facilities in foreign countries dates back to the 20th century after the two World Wars as nations sought to exercise influence and domination over others. From a realist point of view, bases have been set up in different countries for some reasons with the most notable being the need to align national and political interests in both the host and the military-providing nation. These bases are of strategic importance and developments seen in various countries attest to this fact. Some countries needed to exercise authority over others, especially after colonization while others needed the help granted to them in the form of security, weaponry, and economic growth. The host countries in return provide good working environments for the installations. However, there are several laws and regulations to control the levels of control in these countries. The literature review section explore the history and the role that overseas military basing has been able to play in enhancing global security as well as power distribution across major powers. It outlines the significant changes that have characterised security threats and world peace over the years and steps that have been taken by major powers to contain these situations. Moreover, the research examines how the collapse of the former Soviet Union, which led to the unipolar world status made the United States to establish even more military bases across the globe and how these bases have been beneficial to the United States and other powerful nations across the globe. This research seeks to explore the realists perspective on how the establishment of overseas military bases help to improve international security and streamline distribution of power. The major objective of this paper is to explore whether the establishment of overseas military bases helps to improve security regulations and aid power distribution. The research will use a realist approach to data collection and analysis. Data will be sourced from secondary sources which are relevant to the topic and published between 2000 and 2017. Qualitative data analysis methods will be used.
Uzbek modernization and politics of ethnicity
In the present thesis discusses the problems of modernization, which had to be solved in the Central Asian's countries at the end 1980-ies to the early 1990-ies, after disintegration of Socialist World System and a subsequent transition to a market economy in the context of Uzbekistan. Uzbekistan became a powerful state with its own unique place in the world society, which developed quickly and steadily in a short period of time, from a country whose economy has been unilaterally developed and whose level of life was very low. Having overcome the crisis of the 90's, retained the potential for further modernization on the basis of its own identity. The basis for such an optimistic assessment is the knowledge that each civilization has its own unique dynamics, which is determined by internal laws. Each civilization selectively perceives elements alien to it, without violating its own individuality. The dissertation has a primarily review and qualitative analysis of the modernization processes in the country after independence.
Cooperation frameworks between Kazakhstan and Turkey: Contemporary condition and development outlooks
This thesis reviews the development of relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan that has become more rapid recently. Cooperation between the two states at the political, economic, and cultural spheres, each of which is of research interest, has been increasing. In this thesis, I first describe the trajectory of Kazakhstan's economy since the breakup of the Soviet Union. It was important to analyze all the events within the framework of the long-term modernization of the economic system of Kazakhstan, which significantly improved since independence. In addition, the living standard of the population has increased, so the Kazakh economy is ready for a large flow of foreign investment. Then, I focus on economic cooperation between the two countries. I analyzed both countries through HDI, which made it possible to single out specific areas in which Turkey and Kazakhstan develop and cooperate and to say how encouraging this economic cooperation is. After that, I focus on educational and cultural cooperation. Turkey and Kazakhstan are implementing small and large projects concerning schools, universities, and common Turkic heritage. Both states have started working on joint cultural and educational projects, and culture is the main method of regional integration. This thesis concludes that both Kazakhstan and Turkey achieved an increase in the indices of the human development index, and close cooperation of these states and reintegration within the Central Asian region becomes more productive.
Cihatçı hareketlerin medya kullanımlarının semiyotik incelemesi: DEAŞ örneği
IŞİD, güvenlik güçleri ve sivillere 2014'ten bugüne kadar saldıran bir terör örgütüdür. Öncelikli hedefi yeni bir ülke kurmak olan örgüt, ülkeleri hedef almış ve diğer terör örgütlerinin yöntemlerinden farklı olarak yeni bir yol izleyerek şehirleri fethetmeye çalışmıştır. IŞİD, El Bab, Rakka, Palmira, Musul, Sirte, Derna ve Bingazi gibi şehirleri işgal etmiştir. Ancak bazı bölgelerden koalisyon güçlerinin ve hatta Türkiye'nin güvenlik güçlerinin saldırısı ile çekilmiştir. Fakat aynı zamanda Avrupa'da bombalama saldırılarına da devam etmektedir. İslamofobinin yeniden dirilişi, Müslüman karşıtı fikirleri tekrar alevlendirmiştir. İslam ve Kuran'a atıfta bulunan cihatçı örgüt, diğer inançları kabul etmemekte ve Batı düşüncesine karşı çıkmaktadır. IŞİD sosyal medyayı son derece iyi kullanmakta ve savaşçılarını dünyanın farklı bölgelerinden bulmaktadır. Sosyal paylaşım siteleri tarafından yayınlanan işkence ve propaganda videoları ile büyük tepkiler yaratmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, şu ana kadar sosyal medyanın en iyi kullanıcısı olan örgütle ilgili şu soruları tartışmaktır: IŞİD neden ve nasıl savaşçılarını toplamaktadır? Avrupa ülkelerindeki statüleri nedir? Amaçları ve planları nelerdir? Ekonomik olarak ne kadar güçlülerdir? Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin devam eden sınır ötesi ve IŞİD'e karşı iç operasyonlar nedeniyle, resmi kaynaklardan bilgi akışı sınırlıdır. Bu nedenle, bu çalışmada sosyal medya kaynakları ve çeşitli kaynak kitaplar kullanılmıştır. Ayrıca, derinlemesine görüşmeler gazeteciler ve yazar ile yapılmış ve stratejik araştırma merkezlerinden gelen veriler kullanılmıştır.
The refugee crisis in Djibouti and the role of the united nations
This thesis focuses on the refugee crisis happening in Djibouti, their struggles and the role of the United Nations and its refugee agency play. It also tries to answer the question why the United Nations has failed to do something concrete for the refugees in Djibouti. Secondly, this thesis tries to compare the treatment of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees towards the European refugees after the Second World War and the African refugees especially those who live in the Djibouti camps. It also questions why after 27 years since the first refugee camp opened in Djibouti; the refugees are still facing the same kind of problems. This thesis consists of five chapters. The first chapter gives general information of the topic. The second chapter talks about the history of refugees, the international refugee law and practices and the United Nation's refugee agency United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and its mandate. The third chapter explains about the refugees from Eastern African countries and Yemen and the problems and conflicts that had caused the refugee. It also presents the history of the refugee camps in Djibouti. The fourth chapter explains deeply about the reality in the camps, the problems and the struggles of the refugees in Djibouti, the role of the United Nations and its agencies, suggestions and overcoming the problems. The questionnaire results of the refugees are also included. In the conclusion, findings of the research are presented. Keywords: Crisis, Djibouti, Refugee, United Nations.
Impact of the Taliban reappearance on Afghanistan foreign policy on Pakistan during Hamid Karzai period
This thesis focuses on the foreign policy of Afghanistan towards Pakistan, especially in terms of the impact of the Taliban's reappearance on the foreign policy of Afghanistan towards Pakistan during Hamid Karzai's period. The main aspects behind the controversial relations with Pakistan, are further analyzed within the two phase. The thesis answers the questions of 'what impactful factors have determined Afghan foreign policy towards Pakistan' and 'how Islamic fundamentalism is used as a soft power instrument of Pakistan foreign policy towards Afghanistan'. Qualitative analysis is employed within this research on the basis of the political and historical developments in Afghanistan within the designated periods-from 1947 to 2001 and the latter being 2001 to 2014. This thesis consists of five main sections. First section gives a general framework on the study. Second chapter defines some key concepts like fundamentalism, soft power, Afghanistan's historical background and Afghanistan foreign policies doctrine. Third chapter presents historical background of Afghanistan's foreign policy toward Pakistan in consideration with the international developments such as bipolar era, Cold War and 9/11 events with a brief overview of the relations of the two countries in relation to Afghanistan's historical and political developments. Furthermore in this section it attempts to explain the main factors that have influenced the two nation's relations within both periods-the Durand Line and the Pashtunistan problem. However, in the following years, while maintaining the real problem, new problems emerged. Such new problems include the Taliban terrorist organization, India-Afghanistan relations, Transit issue problem and Water sharing problem. Fourth chapter presents the impact of Taliban reappearance as the most influential factors on Afghanistan's foreign policy on Pakistan in Hamid Karzai's period, especially in explaining the role of Taliban fundamentalist group as soft power in instrument of Pakistan's foreign policy toward Afghanistan. Furthermore, it attempts to explain the impact of what is termed as 'Pakistani double game' on the Afghanistan's peace process. It focuses on interesting phenomena played by both Pakistan and the international players within the region. Since Pakistan's establishment, the nation has exercised political intervention in the Afghanistan internal affairs, and thus, weakening the central government in Kabul as an approach in overcoming the controversial problems between the two nations. In order to solve and exercise control within the mentioned problems, Pakistan has been using fundamentalist groups such as Mujahedeen groups which had close ties to her and later on the Taliban. In conclusion, analysis on how the post reappearance of the Taliban served to worsen the two neighboring nations' already weak relations are provided. Pakistan's use of fundamentalism as a soft power in its foreign policy following the 9/11 September has further fragmented the weak relations with Afghanistan. Keywords: Afghanistan, Foreign Policy, Fundamentalism, Pakistan, Soft Power, Taliban.
The rise of Anglophone nationalism in cameroon: 1960s t0 the 1990s
This thesis discusses the failing nation-building process between the minority Anglophones and majority Francophones in Cameroon as per the aftermath of unification in 1961 which has given birth to the present political, economic and socio-cultural upheavals that characterized the republic. The Anglophones are the people of the northwest and southwest regions of Cameroon who constitute two out of 10 regions in Cameroon. The Anglophones are a "People" of the former British Southern Cameroons who entered into a union based on equality with the Cameroun Republic at Foumban in July 1961with the aim to form a single state. This thesis tries to answer the following questions: What are the grievances of the Anglophones? Are the Anglophones recognized as part of development of Cameroon? Is the rise of Anglophones Nationalism in Cameroon more of a minority issue or an issue of social cohesion? By social cohesive, I mean both people living together as a unified country with different ideologies and systems of governance. The objective of this thesis is to portray the unification of the former British Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun in a union of equal states at Foumban in 1961 as stated in the "Federation Clause" and how the violation of the "Foumban Clause" has led to the marginalization of the Anglophone in the union. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first chapter gives an overview of what will be discussed in the thesis and its structure. The second chapter defines some terms that the thesis explores such as; nationalism, Anglophones, assimilation and annexation. The third chapter gives a historical analysis of the Cameroons and explains the union between both people at Foumban. The fourth chapter elucidates the non-respect of the "Foumban Clause" based on equality leading to Anglophone problem (s), marginalization and the Rise of Nationalism in the 1990s. The fifth chapter is the conclusion and proposes suggestions for the prevailing crisis. This thesis seeks to call on the attention of concerned individuals and the international community to intervene and redress the situation based on historical truth before it escalates into a full-fledged war. Keywords: Anglophones, Francophones, Cameroon, Marginalization, Nationalism.
An institutional analysis of political corrupion in Kenya
The term corruption is a term frequently used by everyone around the globe since it's an international problem or most preferable, an international disease. Corruption has been a main problem in our societies whereby individuals take advantage of it in order to ease their way through strict rules or closed doors. This term is known as bribery or greasing the wheels. Corruption has been a major problem in our societies whereby it's very hard to eliminate it since it has merged and stretched its roots to the very bottom level of our society. Corruption brings comfort to the corrupt individuals but a downfall towards the economy and the security of the country and its honest citizens. Many international organizations such as the United Nations have tried to find and create solutions on how to eliminate the existence of corruption but they have bared no fruits due to the secretive nature of how corruption is conducted. Corruption takes place or rather is conducted under very secretive rules and environment, mostly between two individuals. It's rather very hard to see it in action unless one is very keen and sometimes by the help of a tip off. Corruption in Kenya has been very rampant in the recent years, whereby almost every individual encounters it in their day to day activities. It has turned into a daily necessity for the people of Kenya and it's a tool recommended when visiting government offices and government institutions in Kenya in search of help or public services, such as recording a statement at a police station. It's believed that corruption grows well in developing countries such as the African countries or 3rd world countries mostly due to weak government policies and government structures. The nature of corruption that takes place in Kenya is mostly institutional corruption. The most affected institution is the Kenya Police institution which takes the first place on the list with a percentage of 48.1 % according to National Survey on Corruption and Ethics, (2012), followed by other government institutions such as the judiciary and the health sectors. Therefore this thesis provides statistically detailed information of the most corrupt institutions in Kenya, followed by policy recommendations and conclusion that will help change Kenya into a corruption free state. This thesis has been written through secondary information research and personal experience. Keywords: Kenya police, Institutional corruption, Corruption.
A study of Pakistan's political parties' control overstate resources and redistribution in the light ofpanama papers
The aim of the thesis is to analyze and summarize the existing theoretical and secondary work on corruption in Pakistan. Two of the major political parties' (PMLN and PPP) tenures will be discussed as they have ruled the country for about 30 years. Additionally, their control over the resources will be highlighted and how they have paved ways for corruption in every institution. The thesis begins with a brief overview of key definitions and conceptualization of corruption and then turns to a review of the causes of corruption in the light of theoretical framework. This is followed by the major corruption leaks known as 'Panama Papers' which caused a bustle in Pakistani politics as one of the prominent political parties' (PMLN) head and his family was named in those leaks that how they have been over the years money laundering to buy hidden off shore companies. The significant questions that are addressed in this thesis include the understanding of the connection between corruption and party rule, what condition along with the structure would result in corruption in the country and measures that are needed to be undertaken in order to eradicate party corruption first and then corruption on the mega level. The thesis ends with the main corruption events in the history of Pakistan followed by suggestions and recommendations that might help to reduce corruption. The thesis also addresses the important aspect of corruption and improper allocation of country's resources with regards to the most powerful political parties of Pakistan PPP and PMLN. It discusses the most important factors of corruption with regards to the parties' exercise within the parliament, election campaign, and overall control of the party over the resources of the country and its redistribution. Keywords: Corruption, Panama leaks, Pakistan, Pakistan Muslim party, Pakistan people's party, State
2001'den beri Afganistan'da patronaj ve siyasal yolsuzluk
The present thesis about political corruption and patronage in Afghanistan, aims to determine the genesis for the problem of corruption and find out the causes, effects, acts and types of corruption initially. This thesis emphasizes that the main causes of corruption are weak rule of law, lack of transparency and accountability in government expenditures, low wages of public servants, corrupt judiciary, nepotism, the monopoly-power of high-ranking officials that provide opportunities for corruption. The thesis goes on discussing the history of Afghanistan and providing a profound understanding of political corruption and patronage in Afghanistan since 2001. The debates on the effects of corruption on economic growth and public procurement will be discussed in detail. This thesis found that the effects of corruption on economic growth are negative, corruption decreases investment and leads to poor quality of goods and services. This thesis will provide recommendations for eliminating the problem of corruption. Moreover,the failed strategies of government to curb corruption will be discussed for example the attempt of High Office for Oversight (HOO) and the new strategies developed to fight corruption in Afghanistan will be discussed, such as, Afghan National Strategy to Combat Corruption (ANSCC). Corruption is an international problem for both developed and developing countries and both are experiencing various forms and types of corruption. In some countries such as Afghanistan, this problem became a serious obstacle for the development of the country and lead to poverty, unemployment of skillfullabor, insecurity, poor government performances and lack of education opportunities. The research aims to find the reasons behind corruption in Afghanistan and show the devastating effects of corruption on different aspects of life. Looking to the history of Afghanistan the main factors that promoted corruption in Afghanistan were a huge inflow of international capital for the reconstruction of Afghanistan with no or less accountability and three decades of war and brutality lead to erosion of Afghan institutions, furthermore, imposed psychological pressure on the minds of the public. So this situation led to decrease public hope for a prosperous future in the country. Corruption in Afghanistan seriously damaged the trust of the public to government and decreased national and international investment in the country. Corruption perception is different from a country to another country, for example, one person's gift will be another person's bribe. So, even the acts of corruption have no common perception among the scholars. Keywords: Afganistan, political corruption, patronage, transparency, nepotism, accountability, petty corruption, grand corruption, kleptocracy, extortion
Terörle mücadelede güvenlikçi yaklaşımlar; PKK ve IRA terör örgütleri üzerine karşılaştırmalı bir inceleme
Günümüzde uluslararası bir boyut kazanan terör sorunu, dünya gündemini her geçen gün daha fazla meşgul etmeye başlamıştır. Ülkelerin teröre karşı bütünleşik bir mücadele stratejisi üretememesi, terörü daha da büyütmektedir. Terörle mücadelede günümüz koşullarında stratejilerin geliştirilmesi gerekmektedir. Teröre sadece dar bir bakış açısıyla bakılıp, terör ve terörizm kavramları birbirinden ayırmadan yapılan mücadelelerin bir başarı sağlaması olanak dışıdır. Ülkeler, teröre karşı genellikle güvenlik perspektifinden bakarak, kapsamlı bir strateji üretmekte zorlanmaktadır. Terörizm, onu besleyen sosyal dinamizmler, ekonomik, kültürel ve politik alanlarda da incelenip bu bağlamda stratejiler üretilmelidir. Aksi takdirde uygulanan güvenlik stratejileri terör örgütlerine propaganda aracı sağlamaktan başka bir işe yaramamaktadır. Türkiye, terör örgütlerine karşı mücadelede askeri alanda başarı sağlasa da bu başarıyı diplomasi ile destekleyememektedir. Teröre karşı taktiksel alanda sağlanan başarı sosyal, kültürel ve ekonomik değerler bağlamında pekiştirilmemiştir. Bu nedenle terörle mücadele uzun yıllara yayılmış, günümüzde daha fazla güvenlik ve huzur ortamını bozmaktadır. Yıllar içinde binlerce masum insanın hayatına mal olan terör, Doğu bölgelerinin yaşam koşullarına dolaylı olarak etki etmektedir. Güven ve istikrar ortamının oluşmaması, bölgenin ekonomisine zarar vermekte, işsizlik yüksek seviyelere çıkmıştır. Bu nedenle iş bulmakta zorlanan bölge halkı, batı illerine göç etmek zorunda kalmaktadır. Terör mensupları ile müzakere yollarına girişmek, haince bir hareket sayılmaktadır. Ancak İngiltere'nin IRA'ya karşı uyguladığı güvenlik odaklı politikaları yumuşatarak müzakere sürecine girmesi neticesinde varılan sonuç incelendiğinde gerektiği zaman örgüt üyeleriyle müzakerenin bazen sonuca götürdüğü görülmektedir. Aslında bu müzakereler doğru bir şekilde yapıldığı zaman terörün elini kolunu bağlayabilmektedir. Müzakere olmadan bir sonuca varılamamakta ve terör, masum insanların hayatlarına mal olmaya devam etmektedir. Disiplinli, sağlam iradeli, profesyonel müzakerecilerin çabası, çözüm sürecine giden yolu kısaltmaktadır. Bu müzakereler gizli veya açık olsun, neticede ülkenin faydasına olmalıdır. Teröre karşı mücadele yöntemleri ne kadar doğru ve yapılan stratejik hataların getirdiği sonuçlar nelerdir? Bu tezde bu konulara değinilmiş olup terör ve terörizm ile ilgili kavramlar açıklanmıştır. Terör örgütlerinin stratejileri ve saldırılarda kullandıkları yöntemler araştırılıp özetlenmiştir. Geleneksel Güvenlik Teorileri ve Yeni Güvenlik Teorileri açıklanmış, bu teorilerin getirdiği sonuçlar incelenmiştir. PKK ve IRA karşılaştırılmış olup Türkiye ve İngiliz hükümetinin teröre karşı uyguladıkları güvenlik odaklı politikalar incelenmiş ve karşılaştırılmıştır. Teröre karşı güvenlik odaklı stratejilerin getirdiği sonuçlara değinilmiş ve teröre karşı mücadelenin sosyal, kültürel ve ekonomi politikalarıyla desteklenmesinden sonraki etkiye vurgu yapılmıştır. Anahtar kelimeler: Terör, terörizm, güvenlik, şiddet, strateji, teori
Comparative analysis of the politics put into practice by Iran and U.S.A in the Middle East region
Relations between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran are influenced by complex historical, geopolitical, and ideological factors. To have a genuine understanding of the relations between the U.S. and Iran requires knowledge of the historical, ideological, and philosophical grounding of the two nations. This report will analyze the history of both the United States and Iran, their geopolitical situation, and the worldview which shapes their foreign policy. Only with this comprehensive level of understanding can American policymakers create a foreign policy towards Iran which is in the national interest of the United States. This report argues that the primary goal of United States foreign policy for the last century is the creation of a liberal world order which respects the rule of law promotes free trade, and respects individual rights. The direction of American foreign policy might be shifting towards a nationalist direction under the leadership of President Trump. Iranian foreign policy is guided by the principle of maintaining its national sovereignty. The primary influence on Iranian philosophical and ideological development is Shia Islam, which serves to re-enforce the independence of Iran from its Sunni neighbors. The tense relationship between the United States and Iran is a product of the Islamic Revolution of 1979, in which a theocratic revolutionary movement overthrew the Shah, an ally of the United States, and took American diplomats hostage. This report recommends a re-examination of Iranian United States relations. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States share a common interest in suppressing radical Sunni extremist groups such as ISIS, and Iran's willingness to sign the Iran Deal indicates a desire to deal in good faith with the United States. This report recommends a re-examination of the Bush II/Obama era policy of regime change and instead argues that is in the national interest to have a policy towards Iran, and the Middle East, which emphasizes stability rather than ideology. Keywords: Iran Policy, US Policy, Iran – US relations, Middle East Policy, foreign policy
The energy relations between Turkey and Kurdish Regional Government: Opportunities and challenges
In this thesis, bilateral energy relations between Turkey and Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) has been analyzed using constructivist theory. The research has been relied on several face-to-face unstructured interviews with decision makers, experts, academicians, journalists and politicians as well as related written documents and books. This thesis argues that the energy relations between Turkey and KRG is highly related with their political relations. The thesis has been argued that firstly the improved energy relations between Turkey and KRG would result in more benefit for both sides. Secondly, the strong diplomatic and political relations between Turkey and KRG are factors that work for building and developing the energy relations between the two parties. In other words, political and security-led challenges could become serious obstacle for the improvement of the energy relations. Keywords: Turkey, Iraq, KRG, energy relations
Women in politics in islamic states: A case study of Afghanistan and Pakistan
The present thesis aims to determine the actual states of women in politics of Afghanistan and Pakistan and find out the factors that effect on women's political participation and restrict the level of participation. This thesis emphasizes that the equal participation of men and women in governmental process and political affairs is essential for reaching to the free and fair society. Through findings of this thesis the success of democracy is directly dependent on the equality based on gender, ethnic, creed, religion and so on. The research context of this thesis goes to Islamic states and particularly analyzing the status of women in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The traditional culture, patriarchy, misinterpretation of religion founded as the main obstacles of women deprivation of politics within these two Islamic democratic states, that these factors causes for the emergence of gender based violence, discrimination, rape and idea of behaving with women as the second gender. This thesis goes to analyze and find out the different interpretation of Islam and democracy perspectives regarding to women social and political activities. Through this thesis we found out that the level of women's political participation had been raised after 2000 in both countries, reforms 2000 in Pakistan and coming of new democratic regime along with international support caused for women to be more empowered and active in politics and persuaded women to get apart in political and social affairs of these two societies. Analyzing of historical circumstances of women in both countries, helped this thesis to be more serious in finding the actual position of women in two traditional societies, that are mostly influenced of patriarchal culture in case of women. The share of women in politics had been raised, but only in numbers, while still women who are direct or indirect involved in political affairs or legislative organs experiencing a symbolic role with no authority of decision making. This thesis found out that the women are still used as a tool for having more power in government and more seats in legislative body of government in Pakistan, and for getting more support of international community by government in Afghanistan. Along with the above factors that helped women to be involved in politics, the legal contexts of both countries motivated women to be aware of their rights and participate in elections as voters and as candidate, but there have never been a fully protected atmosphere for women to compete with male candidate of the elections. The reasons that are found in this thesis again goes to the deep rooted traditional culture and misconception of Islam. The recommendation of this thesis for empowering the women for their equal rights goes to combat for annihilation of traditional culture and establishing the a theory along with democratic aspects.
Asimetrik savaş stratejisi çerçevesinde PKK'nın yapısal dönüşümü: Şehir terörizmi ve Hendek Olayları
Bu çalışma ile terör örgütü PKK'nın tarihi ve şehir odaklı gelişen yapısal dönüşümünün ortaya konulması hedeflenmiş, söz konusu dönüşümün en önemli göstergesi olan "Hendek Olayları" vaka örneği olarak incelenmiştir. PKK, Marksist/Leninist temelde kurulmuş ve 90'ların ikinci yarısına kadar Mao'nun kır gerillacılığı yöntemleri ile terör eylemleri gerçekleştirmiştir. Mevcut konjonktüre uyum sağlayabilen bir terör örgütü olan PKK, Abdullah Öcalan'ın yakalanmasıyla birlikte dağılmanın eşiğine gelmiş, bu minvalde taktik ve yöntemleri değişmeye başlamıştır. Nihai amacına kırsal alanlardaki terör eylemleri ile değil, şehirlerde yoğunlaşarak ulaşabileceğini düşünen terör örgütü, bu bağlamda çeşitli oluşumlar ve yapılanmalar tesis etmiştir. Yerel ve bölgesel gelişmeleri de yeni terörizm stratejisine eklemleyen PKK, 2015-2016 arasında, örgütlendiği meskûn mahallerde alan hâkimiyeti elde etmek ve kurtarılmış bölgeler oluşturmak amacıyla birçok şehir merkezinde yoğun terör eylemleri gerçekleştirmiştir. Sonuç olarak PKK, demokratik uygarlık ve doğrudan demokrasi/komünalizm teorilerini şehir gerillacılığı anlayışı ile bütünleştirerek kendine has bir terörizm stratejisi geliştirmiş, yapısal dönüşümünü şehir merkezli özyönetim paradigması temelinde oluşturmuştur. Bu sürecin gelişimi ve sonucu, "Hendek Olayları, terör örgütü PKK'nın demokratik özerklik ve şehir merkezli özyönetim paradigması temelinde gelişen yapısal dönüşümünün göstergesidir" hipotezi ile test edilmiştir. Bu çalışma tümelden tikele bir seyir izlediği için birinci bölümde savaşın dönüşümüne, yeni nesil savaş olgusuna ve asimetrik yöntemlere yer verilmiştir. İkinci bölümde asimetrik yöntemlerin temel bileşeni olan terörizm, kavramsal ve tarihsel yönleriyle irdelenmiş, terörizmin türleri, nedenleri ve terörizmle mücadele anlayışı ortaya konulmuştur. Üçüncü bölümde PKK terör örgütünün tarihi ve yapısal dönüşümü analiz edilmiştir. Son bölümde ise şehir merkezli dönüşümün bileşenleri ve Hendek olayları ile güvenlik güçlerinin meskûn mahal/hendek operasyonları incelenmiştir.
Türkiye ve İran arasındaki düzensiz göç sorunu ve sınır güvenliği
Türkiye'de yıllık olarak yakalanan düzensiz göçmenlerin yaklaşık %80'i İran topraklarını kullanarak Türkiye'ye gelen göçmenlerden oluşmaktadır. Bu durum İran'ı, Türkiye'nin göç probleminde önemli bir ülke konumuna yükseltmektedir. Hatta İran'ın 1979'dan beri düzenli olarak yaklaşık 3 milyon Afgan göçmene ev sahipliği yaptığı düşünüldüğünde, İran sadece transit bir ülke değil, Türkiye için kaynak bir ülke konumunu da taşımaktadır. Ancak Türkiye'de düzensiz göç konusunda yapılan akademik tartışma ve çalışmalarda İran'ın bu önemli konumu göz ardı edilmekte, daha çok kaynak ülkelere odaklanılmaktadır. Bu bağlamda özellikle Afgan göçmenlerin neden Türkiye'ye göç ettikleri sorusu sadece Afganistan'da değil İran'da da aranmalıdır. İran'ın 1980'lerde Afgan göçmenlere yönelik yürüttüğü ensar-muhacir politikasından vazgeçip, son dönemde göç politikalarını güvenlikleştirmesi, Afgan göçünün önemli bir sebebini oluşturmaktadır. Dolayısıyla bu çalışma Türkiye'de İran'ın göç politikalarını ele almada görülen literatür eksikliğini gidermeyi amaçlamakta, İran'ın göç politikalarının Türkiye'nin göç problemindeki önem derecesinin ortaya konulmasına odaklanmaktadır. Çalışmanın temel hipotezi: "İran'ın göç konusunu güvenlikleştirmesi, hem İran'da yaşayan hem de İran'ı transit ülke olarak kullanan Afgan göçmenlerin, Türkiye ve Avrupa'ya yönelmelerine sebep olmaktadır" savıdır. Çalışmada ulaşılan sonuç, hipotez ile aynı yönde olmuş, Türkiye'nin düzensiz göç problemini çözmede İran ile işbirliği anlamında yapabileceği bazı öneriler sunulmuştur.
Ulusal kültürlerin ülkelerin yönetim şekilleri ve gelişmişlik seviyeleri üzerindeki etkileri
Bu çalışmanın çıkış noktası, özelde Türkiye, genelde tüm az gelişmiş ve gelişmekte olan ülkelerin neden birer gelişmiş ülke olamadıklarını anlama ihtiyacıdır. Bu farkların nedenlerini anlamak için çok çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Ancak genelde konuya devletlerin farkları açısından bakıldığı için onların ekonomik, siyasal, coğrafi, vb. farkları karşılaştırılmış, toplumların kültürel farklılıkları yeterince dikkate alınmamıştır. Çalışma, durumu farklı bir bakış açısıyla inceleyerek daha net sonuçlara ulaşmayı hedeflemektedir. Bunun için öncelikle gelişmişlik-geri kalmışlık tanımları ve çeşitleri incelenerek ana çerçeve çizilmiştir. Ardından gelişmişliğin-geri kalmışlığın sebeplerini anlamak için bugüne kadar yapılmış çalışmalar incelenerek ortaya konan fikirlere yer verilmiştir. Bu çalışmalarda net bir sonuca ulaşılamadığı ancak gelişmişlikle demokratiklik arasında pozitif bir ilişki kurulduğu görülmüştür. Bu tespitin geçerliliğini test etmek üzere demokrasi kavramı ve ülkeleri sıralaması incelenerek insani gelişmişlik seviyesiyle ilişkisini ortaya koyan nicel bir analiz yapılmıştır. Aralarındaki sebep-sonuç ilişkisine bakıldığında demokrasinin sebep, gelişmişliğin sonuç olduğu tespiti yapılmıştır. Ancak az gelişmiş ve gelişmekte olan ülkelerin demokratikleşme ve bu yolla gelişme çabalarında başarısız oldukları görüldüğünden bu sonucun arkasındaki sebep araştırılmıştır. Cevabın ulusların kültürleriyle alakalı olabileceği düşünülerek kültür kavramı, toplumların kültürlerinin ülkelerinin demokrasi ve gelişmişlik seviyesiyle bağlantısı incelenmiş, nitel ve nicel analizler yapılmıştır. Son olarak ulusal kültürlerin de iç ve dış aktörlerce inşa edilebileceği, istenen sonucun elde edilebilmesi için doğru gerecin eğitim olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.
Arap Baharı sürecinde Hizbullah: Yerel milis gücünden bölgesel bir oyuncuya dönüşümü
Arap Baharı 2010 yılında başladığında Hizbullah, sokaktaki devrim hareketlerini memnuniyetle karşılamıştı. Tunus'ta ve Mısır'da dikdatörlerin düşmesi ile hızlanan süreçte geleneksel dini ve siyasal ideolojisi ile uyumlu bir tutum sergilemiştir. Hizbullah lideri Nasrallah, bu değişim sürecini Ortadoğu'nun kaderini değiştirecek önemli bir dönüşüm süreci olarak görerek, Mısır'da Hüsnü Mubarek'in düşmesi ile sonuçlanan sokak hareketlerinin en az Hizbullah'ın 2006'da İsrail'e karşı kazandığı zafer kadar önemli bir gelişme sayacaktır. Ancak, Arap Baharı'nın Suriye'ye sıçraması ile birlikte Hizbullah'ın tutumunda sert bir tavır değişikliğine gittiği görülmektedir. Bu noktada, Arap Baharı'nın başlangıcında Mısır ve Tunus'daki göstericileri diktatörlere karşı desteklemenin yanında halkın demokratik ve sosyo-ekonomik taleplerinin dikdatörler tarafından derhal yerine getirilmesi çağrısında bulunulurken, Suriye'de patlak veren iç savaş ile birlikte Hizbullah'ın Arap Baharı'na yönelik bakışında farklılıklar ortaya çıkacaktır. Hizbullah, bölgede ABD ve İsrail'e karşı oluşturulan "direniş ekseninin" önemli bir parçası olarak gördüğü Suriye'de durumun farklı olduğunu, ortaya çıkan karışıklığın ana amacının Suriye'de rejim değişikliğinin tesis edilerek bölgedeki direniş ekseninin parçalanmasına yönelik İsrail'in çıkarları endeksli bir Batı projesinin uygulanmaya sokulması olduğunu iddia edecektir. Bundan dolayı, Arap Baharı'nın gerçekleştiği diğer yerlerdeki göstericilere yönelik olumlu tutumun Suriye'deki muhaliflere karşı aynı şekilde tezahür etmediği yeni bir süreç yaşanacaktır. Suriye'deki muhalifler "ajan", "cihatçı" ya da "Amerikan maşası" olarak damgalanarak Hizbullah'ın geleneksel siyasi ideolojisinde önemli bir yer tutan "ezilenler" söyleminin örgütün Suriye'deki stratejik çıkarları söz konusu olduğunda bir tarafa koyulduğu ve daha çok mezhepsel aidiyet temelinde hareket edildiği yeni bir süreç yaşanacaktır. Hizbullah, Arap Baharı süresince etki alanını genişletmesi sadece Suriye ile sınırı kalmayacak Irak, Yemen, gibi ülkelerde de faaliyet gösteren önemli bir bölgesel oyuncu haline gelecektir. Anahtar Kelime: Hizbullah, Arap Baharı, devlet-dışı aktör, Suriye iç savaşı
The non-western modernization perspective: The case of Israel
'Non-Western modernity perspective' offers an alternative approach to understand modernity of non-Western societies, challenging the Eurocentric 'convergence thesis' which argues that modernization trajectory of societies is inscribed deterministically in historical trajectory of Western modernity and which is rooted at the heart of classical modernization theory (CMT) and the globalization discourse. The purpose of this study is to analyze a common belief that Israel is the only western country in the Middle East, and that is an outpost of western civilization from the perspective of modernization studies which examine changes taking place during the modernization process in a society. Starting with the pre-state period up to today, the study assesses Israeli case within three trajectories: economic, political (democratization) social (secularization) from a non-Western modernization perspective taking inspirations from multiple modernization paradigm (MMP) and the uneven and combined development (U&CD). After all, it was concluded that Israel is not a Western country, constituting a divergent modernization trajectory from that of the West within its own historical context, and that the idea of universal modernity is a myth as number of cases unveil a need for more comprehensive and non-determinist approaches. Key words: non-Western modernization, Israel, CMT, MMP, U&CD, economic development, democratization, secularization
2001 sonrası Afganistan'ın yeniden inşası: devlet, barış anlaşması ve ulusal güvensizlik
This thesis seeks to study why the United States, believed to be the world's superpower, had to start peace negotiations after 20 years of fighting with the Taliban, a terrorist organization which is not recognized by the US, to bring an official end to the longest war ever in American history. In other words, it seeks to figure out that what conditions/reasons managed to bring the US and the Taliban to the table to start peace negotiations entitled, "agreement for bringing peace in Afghanistan", after more than two decades of fighting, which resulted in death of thousands of innocent people in the country. Furthermore, the work examines the concept of proto-state (Daesh example) to demonstrate the characteristics of proto-state and elaborate whether the Taliban movement could be dealt as a proto-state. Following the conducted research, finally, the thesis reaches the following conclusions: (1) the Taliban is not the same group as it used to be in 1990s and early 2000s, now the movement is more organized, holding a clear strategy, fight, and talk, both on the table and in the ground, (2) the United States' incompetent/mistaken policies towards Afghanistan which are obviously failed and backfired in many circumstances.
Comparative analysis of democratic backsliding in Hungary and Turkey
This thesis aims to understand the reasons for democratic backsliding in Hungary and Turkey in terms of the similarities and differences considering the current theories; international pressure, political institutions, economic reasons, social alliance theory, polarization, and populism are aimed to reveal the similar and different sides of both countries. KEYWORDS: Hungary, Turkey, democratic backsliding, polarization, populism