Theses supervised by Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Rahmat Ullah
13 theses · İstanbul Gelişim University
Socio-political consequences of U.S. intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2021)
Since 1996, Afghanistan under the rule of the Taliban has been isolated and cut off from the international community. The Taliban did not allow women to study or work and severely violated the rights of ethnic, religious minorities and Human Rights violation. In 2001, after the September 11th attacks, America and its allies intervened in Afghanistan, causing the Taliban government to fall and initiating a decade of democracy in the country. America's presence from 2001 to 2021, while providing significant opportunities and capacities for the people of Afghanistan, was also marked by numerous mistakes and errors. Despite extensive research on the United States' presence and its dimensions and consequences, there has not been a comprehensive study regarding the social and political consequences of the U.S. presence in Afghanistan. This research, therefore, addresses the question: What have been the political and social consequences of American intervention in Afghanistan? The study analyzes and evaluates specific dimensions and consequences of America's presence in Afghanistan. The findings indicate that although America created many opportunities and capacities, strategic mistakes and errors made by the U.S. hindered Afghanistan's progress and development. Consequently, the country remains economically dependent on agriculture, politically divided and hostile, culturally backward, and socially very backward and undeveloped.
Economic relations between China and Afghanistan (2001-2021)
China is one of the developed countries with a large economy, which has been able to compete economically with America. After 2001, this country (China) committed to rebuilding the country by entering Afghanistan and defining the major interests and concerns of Afghanistan. Although China pledged to restore and support the political system and stability in Afghanistan, the Afghan government could not use China's capacity sufficiently. The lack of sufficient use of China's capacities for the reconstruction of Afghanistan caused that the economic relations between China and Afghanistan did not develop as expected. According to this issue, the basic question that has been raised here is, what was the economic relations between Afghanistan and China from 2001 to 2021, and what will be the prospect of economic relations between China and Afghanistan in the future? In response to the above basic question, in this research, we tried to use new and old sources, as well as interviews and other sources that were available, to reach the conclusion that the economic relations between China and Afghanistan, although from 2001 to 2021 It has continued to increase and China's exports reached a maximum of 779 million dollars in 2018, but this amount was not enough and they are not. Because China is a large economic country that has a land border with Afghanistan, and this was a fundamental and historical opportunity for Afghanistan, which could completely change the economic and political situation in Afghanistan through the use and expansion of trade with China. Considering that according to the current research, the economic relations between China and Afghanistan did not expand and develop sufficiently during the years 2001 to 2021, now it is necessary for the rulers of Afghanistan to use the capacities and opportunities of China and by any means to expand and Use it to develop trade with China.
AKP döneminde AB-Türkiye ilişkileri: Siyasal söylemin dönüşümü
2002-2020 yılları arasında Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) iktidarında Türkiye-Avrupa Birliği (AB) ilişkileri, farklı dönemlerde değişen dinamiklere sahne olmuştur. Bu çalışma, AKP'nin AB üyelik sürecine yönelik politikalarını, söylemlerini ve bu süreçte yaşanan dönüşümleri incelemektedir. Çalışmada, Türkiye'nin AB ile olan ilişkilerinin 2002-2005 yılları arasında reform sürecine dayalı olumlu bir ivme kazandığı, ancak 2005'ten sonra çeşitli siyasi ve diplomatik engeller nedeniyle yavaşladığı görülmektedir. AKP'nin ilk yıllarında AB üyeliği, demokratikleşme, hukuk reformları ve ekonomik gelişme açısından bir kaldıraç olarak görülmüş; bu dönemde Kopenhag Kriterleri'ne uyum için önemli yasal düzenlemeler yapılmıştır. 2005 yılında müzakerelerin başlamasıyla birlikte AB-Türkiye ilişkileri tarihsel bir dönüm noktasına ulaşmış ancak Kıbrıs meselesi, Fransa ve Almanya'nın genişleme karşıtı tutumları, üyelik sürecine yönelik iç siyasi tartışmalar süreci karmaşık hale getirmiştir. 2010'lu yıllarla birlikte Türkiye'nin dış politikası çok yönlü bir yapıya bürünmüş ve AB süreci eskisi kadar öncelikli bir gündem maddesi olmaktan çıkmaya başlamıştır. 2013 Gezi Parkı olayları, 2016 darbe girişimi ve sonrasındaki olağanüstü hâl süreci gibi iç siyasi gelişmeler Türkiye'deki demokratikleşme algısını etkileyerek AB ile ilişkileri olumsuz etkilemiştir. AB, bu dönemde Türkiye'ye yönelik eleştirilerini artırırken, AKP'nin söylemleri giderek daha bağımsız ve Batı merkezli olmayan bir dış politika anlayışına evrilmiştir. Çalışmada ayrıca, AB sürecinin Türkiye'deki siyasi söyleme etkileri de ele alınmaktadır. 2000'li yılların başlarında "AB reformları" söylemi hâkimken, 2010'ların ortalarından itibaren "milli irade", "yerli ve milli duruş" gibi kavramların ön plana çıktığı görülmektedir. AB'ye yönelik eleştiriler artarken, Türkiye'nin bölgesel güç olma iddiası söylemsel olarak güç kazanmıştır. Özellikle 2016 sonrası dönemde AB süreci ikincil bir konuya dönüşmüş, Türkiye'nin dış politikası daha bağımsız ve çok kutuplu bir eksene kaymıştır. Sonuç olarak, 2002-2020 yılları arasında Türkiye-AB ilişkileri dalgalı bir seyir izlemiş, siyasi söylem ise pragmatik bir yaklaşımdan daha ulusalcı ve bağımsızlık vurgusu taşıyan bir çizgiye evrilmiştir. Bu dönüşüm, hem iç hem de dış politikadaki gelişmelerin bir sonucu olarak değerlendirilmelidir.
The evaluation of the socio-political impact of counterterrorism strategies in Nigeria
In the face of contemporary threats, counterterrorism strategies are a cornerstone of national security. Yet, a crucial question remains unanswered: how do these strategies impact citizen participation in social and political life, particularly in nations like Nigeria grappling with ongoing challenges? This master thesis dives into this under-explored territory, investigating the interplay between counterterrorism practices and citizen engagement in Nigeria. By delving into the complex relationship between counterterrorism and societal cohesion, governance structures, human rights protections, and the vital role of evidence-based policy making, this research aims to illuminate the effectiveness of these strategies. Ultimately, it seeks to empower Nigerians and foster a peaceful, democratic society. Through this investigation, the thesis aspires to generate actionable insights and recommendations for policymakers and civil society organizations, empowering them to navigate the critical intersection of counterterrorism and citizen engagement in Nigeria.
The evaluation of the socio-political impact of counterterrorism strategies in Nigeria
In the face of contemporary threats, counterterrorism strategies are a cornerstone of national security. Yet, a crucial question remains unanswered: how do these strategies impact citizen participation in social and political life, particularly in nations like Nigeria grappling with ongoing challenges? This master thesis dives into this under-explored territory, investigating the interplay between counterterrorism practices and citizen engagement in Nigeria. By delving into the complex relationship between counterterrorism and societal cohesion, governance structures, human rights protections, and the vital role of evidence-based policy making, this research aims to illuminate the effectiveness of these strategies. Ultimately, it seeks to empower Nigerians and foster a peaceful, democratic society. Through this investigation, the thesis aspires to generate actionable insights and recommendations for policymakers and civil society organizations, empowering them to navigate the critical intersection of counterterrorism and citizen engagement in Nigeria.
Arap Baharı sonrası Almanya'ya yapılan göçlerde İslamofobi ve medyanın etkisi
Bu tez, 2010 yılında başlayan Arap Baharı sonrasında Almanya'ya yönelen göç hareketlerinin, İslamofobi bağlamında toplumsal etkilerini ve medyanın bu süreçteki rolünü incelemektedir. Arap Baharı'nın yol açtığı iç savaşlar, siyasi istikrarsızlık ve ekonomik çöküş neticesinde Avrupa'ya, özellikle de Almanya'ya yönelen göç dalgaları; sosyal uyum, entegrasyon ve önyargılar gibi birçok sorunu beraberinde getirmiştir. Çalışma, hem geleneksel medya hem de sosyal medya platformlarında yer alan söylemlerin, Almanya'daki Arap kökenli Müslüman göçmenlerin toplumsal kabulü üzerindeki etkilerini analiz etmektedir. Bu kapsamda, sosyal dışlanma, konaklama zorlukları, işgücü piyasasındaki ayrımcılıklar, eğitimde eşitsizlik ve kadınlara yönelik çoklu ayrımcılık gibi sorunlar detaylı şekilde ele alınmıştır. Araştırmanın temelini söylem analizi yöntemi oluşturmakta; medya içerikleri, haber dili ve kullanılan imgeler üzerinden İslamofobik temsillerin ne şekilde üretildiği incelenmektedir. Çalışma, yalnızca içerik analizine değil, aynı zamanda medya söylemlerinin toplumsal ve siyasal bağlamda nasıl şekillendiğine odaklanmıştır. Bu sayede, medya temsillerinin kamuoyunu yönlendirme ve göçmenlere ilişkin algıyı dönüştürme gücü vurgulanmaktadır. Kuramsal olarak Çerçeveleme Teorisi'ne dayanan tezde, medyanın belirli temaları nasıl ön plana çıkardığı, hangi unsurları geri planda bıraktığı ve bu tercihlerle nasıl bir toplumsal algı inşa ettiği analiz edilmiştir. Ayrıca PEGIDA gibi aşırı sağ hareketlerin söylemlerinin medyada nasıl yer bulduğu ve bu yolla İslamofobi'nin meşrulaştırılması da değerlendirilmiştir. Sonuç olarak, bu tez Arap Baharı sonrası göç olgusunu, medya söylemleri ve toplumsal algı çerçevesinde ele alarak İslamofobi'nin Almanya'daki yansımalarını derinlemesine analiz etmektedir. Çalışma, çok kültürlü toplum yapısının sürdürülebilirliği ve sosyal uyum politikalarına eleştirel katkı sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.
The impact of leadership style on employee turnover in public sector: A study on Mogadishu Somalia
Leadership style plays a crucial role in shaping organizational strategies and their successful implementation. Effective leadership motivates staff to surpass organizational targets, leading to goal achievement. The impact of leadership style extends to employee loyalty, influencing retention, turnover intentions, and Counterproductive Work Behaviors. Poor leadership adversely affects motivation, retention, and overall organizational performance. The study focuses on Mogadishu's Interior affairs, utilizing questionnaires for data collection through an online platform. Quantitative data analysis using SPSS V 25.0 will summarize findings in numbers and percentages. The research employs an explanatory research design with a descriptive approach, exploring the influence of leadership style on employee turnover in Mogadishu's public sector. Results reveal a significant negative relationship between autocratic leadership and turnover intentions. Transformative and transactional leadership styles are identified as mitigating turnover intentions, with individual consideration being particularly effective. This suggests that fostering a positive leadership style can decrease turnover intentions and enhance employee commitment in the public sector. The study underscores the importance of leadership in organizational dynamics, emphasizing the need for transformative approaches to enhance employee retention and overall performance.
The place of Pakistan in American foreign policy after the Cold War (1990-2009)
This research specifically concentrates on the relationship between America and Pakistan after the Cold War ( 1990-2009). But for further understanding of US-Pakistan relations, it is important to have a short discussion on the relationship between Washington and Islamabad. During the Cold War Pakistan's role in American foreign policy was largely centered on its strategic significance in the containment of communism in Asia, military assistance, and its role in the Afghan conflict. This period was specifically concentrated on how to ban the spread of communism in the South Asian region and in the world. After the Cold War 1990 until 2000 Pakistan's role in American foreign policy was marked by a complex mix of cooperation and tensions. While there were periods of strained relations due to nuclear concerns and Pakistan's involvement with the Taliban, the U.S. increasingly recognized Pakistan's importance in the fight against terrorism, which set the stage for a more prominent role for Pakistan in U.S. foreign policy. During this period a lot of economic restrictions and pressures were imposed on Pakistan due to its nuclear proliferation program. The geography of Pakistan was considered a big threat in the South Asia region due to its devastated potential for mass destruction weapons and its easy access to non-responsible groups. From 2000 to 2009, Pakistan's role in American foreign policy was defined by its critical position in the War on Terror. Mostly after the 9/11 incident America once again relied on Pakistan and used its territory against Al-Qaeda and some other extremist groups, and in return, Pakistan received different forms of aid and assistance from America. Meanwhile, the international community and America struggle to stabilize the geography of Pakistan to maintain Democracy, and human rights, and pave the ground for political transparency. Obviously, the relationship between the two countries was complex, characterized by cooperation in counterterrorism efforts but also marked by tensions and challenges related to Pakistan's domestic security situation and its ties to militant groups. It's worth mentioning that after 2001 and the collapse of the Taliban government in Afghanistan, the competition of great power politics( America, Russia, China) in different areas like politics, security, and economics began in the South Asia region. The political, security, and economic competition between America, China, and Russia in South Asia is multifaceted and dynamic. It involves strategic partnerships, military influence, infrastructure development, economic investments, and regional alliances.
Assessing the impact of the European Union's policies on the Yemeni crisis (2011-2022)
This research explores the role of the European Union (EU) in the Yemeni crisis from 2011 to 2022, with a focus on understanding the EU's perspective on the nature of the conflict, identifying its interests in Yemen, and evaluating the effectiveness of its interventions. The study employs a postcolonial theoretical framework to analyze the EU's engagement in the context of its historical and contemporary relationships with Yemen and the broader Gulf region. Several hypotheses are formulated, proposing that the EU's involvement is primarily driven by interests with Saudi Arabia and the Arab Gulf states, with limited political or military interventions. Additionally, it is hypothesized that the EU's response to the crisis is influenced by geopolitical and economic factors, that internal divisions among member states hinder effective action, and that European countries possess untapped leverage. The study employs a mixed-methods approach, combining literature review, analysis of EU policies and actions, and interviews with relevant stakeholders. The findings support four out of the five hypotheses, revealing that the EU's involvement in the Yemeni crisis is motivated by its interests in maintaining relationships with Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states. While the EU provides significant humanitarian assistance, its political and military impact is limited. The EU's response is nuanced, reflecting a delicate balance between its interests and conflict resolution efforts. However, the utilization of leverage cards by European countries has been ineffective, and internal divisions among member states have not significantly hindered the EU's overall position on Yemen. In conclusion, the EU's role in the Yemeni crisis reflects a complex interaction of interests and challenges. While the EU made efforts to address the humanitarian aspects of the conflict, its ability to effect significant political or military changes was limited. The study recommends that the EU enhance coordination and unity among member states, align its policies with a stronger commitment to conflict resolution, and explore more effective strategies to contribute to a sustainable solution in Yemen. This research contributes to the understanding of the EU's role in conflicts outside its immediate neighborhood and provides insights into the dynamics of postcolonial power relations in the context of Yemen. Further research is encouraged to explore specific aspects of the EU's engagement in the Yemeni crisis, such as counter-terrorism efforts, arms sales policies, and the impact of humanitarian aid, to deepen our understanding and inform more targeted interventions in similar conflicts.
Yemen krizinde ABD'nin rolü (2011-2022)
This research examines the multifaceted role of the United States in the Yemeni crisis from 2011 to 2022, with a focus on understanding American interests, relationships with conflict parties, and its overall impact on the crisis. The study is guided by four research hypotheses that seek to uncover the motivations and strategies underlying US involvement in Yemen. Drawing on the postcolonial theory as a theoretical framework, the research explores the various dimensions of the Yemeni crisis and its historical context, including the tribal conflicts, sectarian divisions, and the unity and division projects within Yemen. It analyzes the key parties involved, including local, regional, and international actors, to shed light on the complex dynamics of the conflict. The research uncovers the evolving nature of American engagement through an extensive review of historical US-Yemeni relations and an analysis of the USA's position during different periods of the crisis. It reveals the influence of US interests in combating al-Qaeda and countering Iranian expansion as significant drivers of its involvement in Yemen. Additionally, the research highlights the importance of US-Saudi alliances and the broader geopolitical landscape in shaping American actions in the region. The findings of the study validate the formulated hypotheses. It demonstrates that the United States prioritizes fighting al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) and seeks local partners to collaborate with, supporting H1. The research confirms that US involvement in the Yemeni crisis is influenced by its interests in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, supporting H2. Furthermore, it reveals how the United States maintains a delicate balance with the Houthis, leveraging their existence for Saudi Arabia's reliance on American protection, supporting H3. Lastly, the research confirms the US's aim to secure global navigation and trade safety, recognizing the strategic concerns regarding international shipping lanes and trade routes, supporting H4. This research provides valuable insights into the motives and actions of the United States in the Yemeni crisis, contributing to a deeper understanding of the conflict's complexities. The findings emphasize the significance of American interests, alliances, and geopolitical considerations in shaping its involvement in Yemen. The research concludes by offering recommendations for US policy, focusing on areas such as rehabilitation and support for Yemeni forces, prevention of arms smuggling, intelligence sharing, diplomatic engagement, and sustainable humanitarian assistance. These recommendations prioritize Yemeni interests and aim to promote stability, unity, and conflict resolution in Yemen.
The impact of international military crises on OPEC policies (1991-2011)
The current research uses the theoretical framework of economic realism, which focuses on the thoughts of Robert Gilpin, who believes in the central role of government in international political economy, including in international organizations. Also, using the statistical data extracted from the scientific productions of some international organizations, especially OPEC and oil companies, I tried to estimate the impact of the three military crises of the Second Persian Gulf War, September 11, 2001, and the 2003 Iraq War on the energy economy and as much as possible scientific explanation, following the mentioned crises, the OPEC organization decided to control the oil market, and according to the research's findings, throughout the mentioned military crises, there was a decline in oil production, which led to an increase in its price. Intending to increase the production of this energy carrier, OPEC has devised measures primaryss the market's needs, particularly the primary consumers, including the United States. These measures involve utilizing the surplus capacity of Saudi Arabia to meet the demand. However, following these actions, while diverging from the national interests of member states, especially the most powerful member, Saudi Arabia, has not been in the benefits to other members who seek to sell this energy carrier at a higher price.
The peace process in Afghanistan (1992-2021)
Afghanistan is an important country located almost in Central Asia. Afghanistan borders Pakistan in the East and South and uses the sea route through Pakistan. Afghanistan has been suffering from war since the 1970s. After the atrocities of the civil war, the foreign invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 and the United States in 2001 devastated Afghanistan and killed thousands of innocent Afghans. Great powers came to Afghanistan to crush the roots of religious extremism, drug trafficking, terrorism and smuggling. But none of the big powers could reduce drug trafficking, terrorism, etc. According to what was said; Although Afghanistan has been involved in devastating internal and external wars for more than four decades, but peace and reconciliation has not been possible in any of the historical periods. The findings of this research show that the peace process during the previous government from 2001 to 2021 was failed for different reasons such as: the lack of interests of Taliban, lack of a clear plan from the previous government, lack of unity between the Afghan government and foreign powers, the existence of corruption in the government…e.tc. The aforementioned concepts caused this process to fail, and the failure of the peace process provided the ground for Taliban to dominate Afghanistan again through the Doha Agreement. According to the lessons that can be learned from the past, now the civil society, the international community and other countries in the region and Afghanistan's neighboring countries should put maximum pressure on the Taliban, so that the Taliban will agree to establish an inclusive government and also ensure the rights of women, minorities, and human rights. Key words: Peace, Reconciliation, Taliban, Afghanistan
Üniversite öğrencileri açısından Arap Baharı'nın değerlendirilmesi: Türkiye'de okuyan Arap uyruklu öğrenciler üzerine bir araştırma
Bu çalışma Türkiye'de okuyan Arap uyruklu üniversite öğrencileri açısından Arap Baharı sürecini anlamaya çalışarak, bu sürecin onlara ne ifade ettiğini ve Arap Baharının Arap öğrencilerin gözünden nasıl algılandığını ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Nicel analiz yöntemlerinin kullanıldığı araştırmanın modeli ise tarama modelidir. Araştırmanın verileri anket yöntemi ile elde edilmiştir. Anket formu iki bölümden oluşmaktadır. Birinci bölümde katılımcıların demografik bilgilerinin yer aldığı sorular bulunurken, ikinci bölümde ise Arap uyruklu üniversite öğrencilerinin Arap Baharını nasıl değerlendirdiklerini tespit etmeye dönük sorular bulunmaktadır. Araştırmanın evreni 2020 yılında Türkiye'de Gelişim ve İbn-i Haldun Üniversitelerin de eğitim alan yükseköğretim öğrencileridir. Araştırmanının örneklemi kolay örnekleme yöntemi ile belirlenen 200 kişiden oluşmaktadır. Örneklem grubundan elde edilen veriler SPSS istatatistik programı ile çözümlenmiştir. Bu doğrultuda katılımcların Arap Baharına katılma durumu ve eğitimlerine ilişkin frekans ve yüzdeler tablolar ve şekillerle sunulmuştur. Araştırmanın sonunda Arap Baharı'nın Ortadoğu ve Kuzey Afrika ülkelerinin vatandaşları tarafından 2010 yılından günümüze kadar süren ayrıca bu ülkelerde rejim, yönetim, yönetici değişimlerine neden olan isyanın başlangıcı olduğu, bu harketliliğin batının etkisi ile varolan sisteme karşı ayaklanan halkın bilinçli ve planlı çabalarıyla oluşturulmuş bir eylem olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Katılımcıların arap baharını etkileyen faktörleri siyasi, ekonomik, eğitim ve sosyo-kültürel nedenler olarak sıraladıkları Mısır, Tunus, Suriye ve Libya' ya uğrayan bu isyanın tam olarak halkın beklediği ya da istediği gibi şekillenmediği, vatandaşların talep ettiği ekonomi, eğitim, demokrasi, sosyal ve siyasi rahatlığı istedikleri gibi bulamadıkları sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.