Theses supervised by Prof. Dr. Muhittin Ataman
17 theses · Ankara Social Science University, Bolu Abant İzzet Baysal University
The impact of private military companies on hybrid warfare: Wagner in Ukraine, Syria, and Libya
This dissertation intends to identify the underlying dynamics of the impact of PMCs in hybrid warfare by building on focused literature on PMCs and the broad literature on the role of non-state armed actors in hybrid warfare. Relying on an in-depth examination of Russian PMC Wagner, this research adopts a qualitative research method fostered by a cross-case study design and interactive data analysis methods through a series of semi-structured interviews. The analytical framework focuses on the PMCs' instruments of power at the operational and tactical levels and the logic and motives behind the combat contract, which are translated to specific behavioral operational patterns and roles. The application of the analytical and methodological frameworks has resulted in a set of conclusions describing typical interactions of PMCs in hybrid warfare, which helps understand hybrid conflict dynamics in practical applications. Wagner provides the premium package of battlefield services at the operational level in Syria, Libya, and Ukraine with different capacities. The degree of used capacities differs based on the rationale behind the intervention in the conflict, which ultimately defines the autonomy of the PMC and hence the degree to which PMCs operate as proxies obedient to their sponsor. The findings aim to take primary steps in filling the knowledge gap surrounding this prominent actor, which is expected to build further awareness of how PMCs activities on battlefields can be labeled in practice and theory.
The impact of international military interventions on institutional effectiveness: The case of NATO's 2011 intervention in Libya
The odyssey of international military interventions under the blanket of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) continues to cause deleterious internal conflicts from which target states struggle to recover. In the aftermath of interventions that bomb down the very foundations of societies, every single intervening state or international entity exits, bigger wars are unleashed and institutions are shattered. International actors and organisations involved in interventions of such a tyre, have taken a laissez-faire approach to the "responsibility to rebuild" citing the excuse that reconstruction should be a domestic process. Such a political declaration makes the international community's participation in reconstruction processes optional hence plunging the target states into deeper crises. It is against this background that the thesis assesses the impact of R2P sanctioned military actions on institutional reconstruction efforts, with focus on Libya's transition case spanning 12 years. The core focus in this was to assess the nexus between R2P and institutional transformation in Libya. Supporting objectives were to examine how exogenous military interventions shape state institutional transformation, as well as to demonstrate how the 2011 Northern Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) intervention snubbed the responsibility to rebuild and its resultant effects on the state of effectiveness of Libyan institutions. Lastly, the research proffers academic and policy recommendations on practice on IMI with specific focus on responsibility to rebuild for effective post-conflict transitions. The thesis methodologically relies on the theoretical lens of the "general theory of institutional change" which captures the exogeneous conflict on institutional change, particularly how institutions change at the convergence point of external and domestic conflict. This is complemented with qualitative research rooted in the constructivist paradigm. The researcher utilised the research methods attendant to the qualitative research paradigm. There are three arguments offered in this study that represent the state of transition in Libya. The first is that there is an apparent crisis of institutions where sudden ruptures in institutional changes are typified by conflict. Over the twelve years of Libyan transition, successive governments have been formed including the NTC, GNC, GNA and GNU. All these governments share common traits such as division, incapacity to formulate and execute policy, and an overall national security crisis that threatens effectiveness in governance. The second is that the involvement of the international community in the reconstruction process has not brought stability and effective transformation to date. This proves that the international community's approach to reconstruction is executed on a piecemeal disjointed basis. The third is that the future attempts to execute the R2P ought to place the international community's role to rebuild at the core with the intervening states coming up with both domestic and foreign policies that facilitate effective transition.
The concept of peace in Islamic ontological sources
Recently, Islam has been increasingly associated with violence and terrorism by some circles and it is claimed that Islam is a warlike religion. Those who make this claim argue that Islam divides the world into dār al ḥarb and dār al Islam, and humanity into Muslims and infidels, and that it has to be a warrior religion in order to make the whole world dār al Islam and to Islāmize all people. Therefore, this study aims to reveal Islam's understanding of peace by analyzing the vocabulary of peace used by the Qur'an and the Sunnah, the main sources of knowledge in Islam, through semantic analysis. Since the Qur'an and the Sunnah are binding sources for all Muslims, the study is limited to the Qur'an and the Sunnah. In the study, the semantic analysis method developed by Toshihiko Izutsu on the semantics of the Qur'an and accepted as a very reliable method by the related circles was applied in order to see the origin of the words used in these sources, their meanings before Islam, how Islam used these words and to reveal the worldview of Islam on this subject. For this purpose, the words silm/salām and ṣulḥ, which are the most prominent among the words used in the meaning of peace, have been analyzed together with their roots and derivatives, other words with synonyms and antonyms, and finally their usage in the Qur'an and the Sunnah. The meanings expressed by these words were grouped and the framework of the concept of peace was determined. After that, the peace expressed by these concepts in the Qur'an and the Sunnah has been analyzed at individual, societal, state and international levels. As a result of these studies, it has been seen that the words used by Islam in the sense of peace have a very wide framework of meaning. The analyzed S-L-M root and the words silm/salām have a comprehensive meaning such as reconciliation, agreement, being free from deficiency and danger, being firm, surrendering, obeying, consenting, trusting, and being safe. The other analyzed Ṣ-L-Ḥ root and the word ṣulḥ, on the other hand, have a framework of meaning that includes important dimensions of peace such as being good, being useful, being honest, eliminating mischief, being reforming, reconciling those who are in disagreement, making peace, agreeing. With these concepts, it has been determined that Islam does not see peace as the end of conflicts between countries, on the contrary, it follows a path starting from the individual, family, society, state and finally world peace. Keywords: Islam, Qur'an, Peace, Mischief, Amends
Effectiveness and role of the UNWFP in the humanitarian crisis in Hadhramout province-Yemen
As the world has witnessed a massive increase in the number of the organizations working in the humanitarian field and since more attention has been paid to evaluating their work, this thesis mainly aims at evaluating the WFP and its main local partners NGOs activities in the governorate of Hadhramout Yemen and to what extent they are active in the humanitarian crisis the governorate has been experiencing by looking at applying the agency's principles and policies. Additionally, it paves the way for more academic studies that critically and scientifically evaluate the organizations work on reality and thus have more effective work. The qualitative interpretive impact assessment with the causal model was used as data collection method by studying the primary and secondary data available on the agency and local partners' websites as well as the available data of the beneficiaries themselves on the local partners' channels. Studying the impact on the beneficiaries and how application and qualification of the staff helps more in bringing more fruitful results was the main analysis of the study. The thesis finds out that the agency and its local partners have had great work both on the governorate itself by varying the projects that invest in the infrastructure and the people in order to qualify them and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. Besides, the thesis figures out the dire need for more transparent role of the local partners and expansion of the projects that bring the sustainability and income sources to the beneficiaries to reduce the heavy dependence on the other main projects of the agency. The thesis has come up with the importance of qualifying the local partners staff since it is considered the main step to get better results that reflect on the situations of their targeted beneficiaries. These findings indicate the need for more active and transparent role of the local partners to gain the trust and reflect the main goals on which they were established. Varying their projects and include the beneficiaries in the evaluation and transparency open meetings are of great necessity for more credible role in the future. This thesis looks as a guide to show the newborn other working organizations to avoid the shortcomings and develop the positive findings in order to bring the organizational and humanitarian work to its best.
The reasons for Somali immigrants preference for living in Yemen rather than returning to Somalia
Somalia has witnessed several civil wars, leading to the forced migration of millions of Somalis at home and to other countries. Thanks to its geographical proximity and the open-door policy of its government toward Somali migrants, Yemen was among the states that Somalis migrated to for seeking stability or transit. This thesis primarily aims to explore political, economic, and social factors that made Somali migrants prefer staying in Mukalla city, Hadhramaut Governorate, Yemen, over going back to Somalia, although Yemen is also a conflict zone. Furthermore, this study is an exploratory research laying the groundwork for more scientifically and methodically focused studies on Somali migrants, especially in Mukalla city, and opens the door for further migration studies. Thematic analysis was employed as a research methodology to explore the desired results. Data were mainly collected through interviews with some Somali migrants living in Mukalla city. Their responses were analyzed, categorized into political, economic, and social factors, and then presented through the lens of conflict theory, in order to explore the reasons behind Somalis fleeing conflict in Somalia to Yemen, despite Yemen also being a conflict zone. Then, the findings are compared with the literature review in the analysis of the study according to the methodology used. The thesis concluded that Somali migrants prefer staying in Mukalla due to several factors. Politically, quest for security and stability, fear of conflict in Somalia upon return, and the apprehension of becoming victims of that conflict were counted. Economically, the relatively better living conditions in Mukalla compared to Somalia, international aid, and employment opportunities ensuring a decent livelihood were influential. Socially, social stability, which means a lack of racial discrimination observed in Mukalla city, respectful and tolerant treatment from the local community, and some climatic and cultural similarities with Somalia contribute to their preference for staying in the city. This study serves as a starting point for more in-depth examination of the situation of the Somali migrants in Mukalla and paves the way for future studies focusing on their living conditions.
The relationship between Egypt and Hamas after the Arab uprisings: From ideological discrepancies to reconciliation
The bilateral relations between Egypt and Hamas have been very complex and multifaceted, and characterized by ups and downs. The Hamas takeover of Gaza in 2007, the Arab uprisings, and the military takeover in Egypt in 2013 were among the most important turning points in this relationship. Relations followed the expected course, except for the rapprochement that took place in the post-Arab uprisings period since 2017. To unravel the mystery of this rapprochement between the two sides, this study traced the history of bilateral relations through empirical comprehensive analysis and explanation. It argued that this rapprochement can be explained by realpolitik. It argued that the rapprochement was achieved by both sides embracing their own and common interests. However, to build trust, Hamas had to make some changes in its stance and political vision. Hamas desired the rapprochement with Egypt because it is the only way out of the geopolitical deadlock and humanitarian crisis in Gaza, and the most viable negotiation channel with its rivals. On the other hand, Egypt embraced it to restore its leadership position in the region and consolidate its national security with coordination with Hamas. Keywords: Egypt, Hamas, Middle East, Muslim Brotherhood, Realpolitik
Scaling the military effectiveness of violent non-state actors
The concept of violent non-state actors has become one of the most discussed topics in security studies over the last two decades. The emphasis of the violent non-state actors is regarded as their roles in the changing nature of armed conflicts and the dynamism of irregular warfare. Studies about the violent non-state actors have mostly focused on conceptual discussion and typology of the violent non-state actors; effectiveness of their violent, armed, or military activities is discussed through a limited descriptive interpretation by academicians and field experts without a measurement. Measuring the military effectiveness of VNSAs is a key factor for the state actors and the other VNSAs in order to develop either a countering or convergence strategy. Measuring the military effectiveness of VNSAs is also a vital factor in their self-evaluation. Although it is hard to determine the military effectiveness of VNSAs due to their secretive character, this study suggests that their military effectiveness is measurable by a scale composed of certain parameters. Parameters of the scale in this study were determined out of VNSAs' relationship with the social and geographic ecosystems, the pool of potential resources, the organization's ability to process the resources accessed into fighting power, and the practical achievement of their fighting power. This study addresses the military effectiveness of VNSAs and suggests a scale to measure the military effectiveness of a VNSA by suggesting certain effectiveness parameters comprising indicators associated with the strength and weakness of the military effectiveness.
Non-state actors in foreign policy decision-making: Assessing the impact of civil society organizations on Ghana's foreign policy, 1993-2023
In post-Cold War global politics, new actors, such as civil society organizations, non-governmental organizations, and faith-based organizations, challenge states' historical dominance in foreign policy and international relations. The traditional view that multiparty democracy is incompatible with foreign policy decision-making and scrutiny and that state sovereignty in this arena is the exclusive, unquestionable competence of governments as the perceived sole representatives of the state is becoming increasingly difficult to uphold in democratic societies. By debating various points of view on strategic direction and policy priorities and fostering public trust on complex issues in a way that is understandable to citizens, these non-state actors are increasingly expected to contribute to resolving complex foreign policy and international issues that are having an increasingly direct impact on citizens' lives. This study examines the impact of non-state actors on foreign policy decision-making processes in Ghana's Fourth Republic democratic dispensation. It provides a unique and original data collection organized around a set of assumptions and follows a well-formulated conceptual framework. It is based on primary sources and offers a hitherto unattainable window into the methods of operation of various non-state actors, particularly civil society organizations, and their impact on Ghana's foreign policy outcomes. The dissertation reveals how civil society participates informally but meaningfully in foreign policy decision-making processes through the assumption of diverse operational responsibilities. Given that the main objective of the thesis is to understand how non-state actors influence foreign policy decision-making in a specific geographical environment, the study adopts the area studies approach and draws on theoretical literature from varied but related disciplines such as politics, international relations, and history. This approach is meant to trace the processes of foreign policy formulation over a specific period, explore the diverse interactions of the actors, and analyze their influences to build empirical narratives to explain the process. In the end, this demonstrates a hybrid kind of foreign policy in operation, obscuring the distinction between the deeds of state and non-state actors. The dissertation concludes that states, organizations, and individuals who can harness material capabilities, relationships, and knowledge more quickly, more effectively, and more adaptively than previous generations will be the most potent actors in the future.
The impact of foreign military intervention on domestic political stability of intervened state: The United States invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq
Foreign military interventions under the blanket of providing stability cause long-lasting deleterious impacts on the intervened state making them weak and unstable and from which target states faced a difficult time to recover. The use of military force that breaks down the socio-political structure of the targeted state results in political instability of the intervened country which ultimately gives rise to other issues which lead to destroying peace in that targeted state. The core focus in this study was to assess that how a military intervention by global powers creates domestic political instability within the intervened state by narrowing down the lens of this study to the United States' military interventions in Afghanistan in 2001, and Iraq in 2003, that were driven by the pursuit of fostering democratic and stable governments. Supporting objectives were to examine that how foreign military intervention weakens the state institutions, destabilizes the economy and creates domestic insecurity within the target state which ultimately led to create political instability of the intervened state. The three hypotheses, offered in this study that represent the FMIs cause political instability. Firstly, FMIs substantially weaken the state institutions of the intervened state like in Afghanistan Iraq U.S. military intervention led to fragmentation, reconfiguration and destabilization of existing institutional systems, thereby changing the political environment of both countries. Secondly, the distortive impacts of FMIs on the intervened state's economy as seen in Afghanistan and Iraq where short-term economic advantages were sometimes evident but long-term economic outcomes were largely negative because of exploitation of economic resources, substantial consumption of national revenues and inequitable distribution of resources. Lastly, foreign military intervention increases the domestic insecurity of the intervened state, as in Afghanistan and Iraq, a substantial uptick in political violence after power vacuum created by U.S. intervention. The shifting power dynamics and heightened tensions contributed expansion of militant activities and to civil conflicts in both countries. The research proffers the deep dimensions of the foreign military intervention in order to give more effective and positively constructive strategies for the intervened states. The research methodologically relies on the conceptual framework that is complemented with qualitative comparative case study to assess the generalizability of the findings and provide insights into the conditions under which interventions may lead to different outcomes in terms of political stability.
The Palestinian issue in the Turkish and Egyptian foregin policies in the post Arab Spring era: A comparative study
This thesis aims to present a comparative analysis for the roles Egypt and Türkiye pursued towards the Palestinian issue in the post Arab Spring era in order to give a more detailed picture about these two prominent powers' stances towards the issue in terms of both rhetoric and application especially that the post Arab Spring era witnessed several dynamic transformations. These transformations took place in the Arab Spring countries and impacted the other countries in the region. The Palestinian issue was not an exception. The relations between the main Palestinian factions have undergone several changes the Palestinian people embarked on their own uprisings, Jerusalem became the center of several developments and Israel has waged four wars against Gaza and increased the settlements' construction. Moreover, external developments impacted the Palestinian issue including the US policies especially in Trump era in addition to the normalization process between Israel and the Gulf countries. Meanwhile, Egypt and Türkiye had new preoccupations and priorities. However, the Palestinan issue was still significant for both of them. This significance was translated in a set of roles they adopted towards the Palestinian cause including the mediator, developer and defender roles. The core of this thesis revolves around explaining these two states' role conceptions, these roles' performance mechanisms and their material and ideational sources as variables to compare between the two states' attitudes towards the dynamics of the Palestinian issue. The thesis finds out that the two countries had performed almost the same roles with different degrees and various instruments. It also shows that they were neither extremely different nor completely identical in conducting these roles. They had both similar and different aspects of their performance towards the Palestinian issue and the Palestinians in times of war and peace. Moreover, each of them possessed different comparative advantages which made them master some roles. English Keywords: role conception, performance mechanism, mediator, defender, developer
A project management outlook of international development in a conflict context: TIKA's projects in Libya
International development is a field that relies fundamentally in its practice on implementing projects, meaning project management is a core field influencing the success of development initiatives. This becomes even more pivotal when addressing international development in conflict areas. This thesis seeks to bridge the two realms in a way that provides a broad outlook, specifically in a conflict context where international development efforts are needed the most and where the efficiency of project management is more crucial. The work of the Turkish international development agency TİKA in the conflict context of Libya is taken as a case study. After analyzing the project management methodology, the thesis studies the role of these projects in peace building, and also how the conflict affected development activities. Furthermore, as international development is profoundly an instrument of foreign policy, the thesis examines the correspondence of the case study's activity with the donor country's foreign policy. Through the information provided by the TİKA country office in Tripoli, an analysis was conducted to discover the current implementation process aligns with which project management methodology, where it was found to align mostly with the waterfall model. This insight provides an opportunity to standardize the process, either officially according to the waterfall methodology, or even to amplify the process towards a more complex accredited methodology such as the ones demonstrated. Following, the project details were studied in the framework of the international UN concept of sustaining peace, in which TİKA projects in Libya were recognized to have served this concept. Finally, the interaction and interdependency between TİKA's activity in Libya and Türkiye's foreign policy in the country was highlighted, in which the correlation between the two was made clearly visible.
Sultan Abdülhamid II's policies and practices towards Jewish Zionists Regarding Bayt Al-Maqdis
The study suggests that Sultan Abdülhamid II, as one of the pioneer leaders of the 19th century, not only transformed the Ottoman Empire from financial, inner, and international conflicts but also fostered neat and successful policies in restricting Jewish Zionist systematic land purchasing and settlement activities in Bayt al-Maqdis. The main argument of the study dwells on three pillars. Firstly, the study argues that the Sultan pacified and limited Jewish Zionist settlement and their land purchasing activities in Bayt al-Maqdis by putting restrictive measures into force against Jewish Zionist settlement and land purchasing activities in Bayt al-Maqdis. By that, the study argues that the Sultan prevented possible Jewish Zionist superiority in the region in terms of population and reserved lands. Secondly, the study supports that the Sultan increased the cohesion among Arabs, Christians, Jews, non-Muslim and Muslim residents of Bayt al-Maqdis despite Jewish Zionist provocations against the Sultan. The study further suggests that the varying people coming from different nationalities and faiths in the region were content with living under the banner of the Ottoman Empire and supported the Sultan and his policies undertaken against Jewish Zionists. Therefore, the study further supports the idea that the Sultan achieved to increase cohesion among Ottoman citizens regardless of their national identities and belief systems. Thirdly, the study summons up with the idea that the Sultan not only prevented a Jewish Zionist State from being founded in Bayt al-Maqdis, but he also successfully ended the hope of establishing a state in Bayt al-Maqdis by limiting Jewish Zionists and their land purchasing activities addressing the region. This study contends that the foundation of the Zionist Jewish state in 1947, after forty years of Sultan's reign under the protectorate of Britain, was the result of the Sultan Abdülhamid II's successful restrictive policies addressing Jewish Zionists in Bayt al-Maqdis.
Morocco and Algeria's policies on the Israel-Palestine question Post-Arab spring: A Comparative analysis
This thesis provides a comprehensive comparative analysis of Morocco and Algeria's foreign policies towards the Israel-Palestine question from 2011 to 2024, with a specific focus on the period following the Arab Spring. The Israel-Palestine question, deeply rooted in historical, political, and social contexts, has seen varied responses from these two North African states. Morocco, traditionally maintaining a moderate stance, has recently shifted towards "normalization" of relations with Israel, influenced by strategic and economic interests, notably the Abraham Accords of 2020. In contrast, Algeria has upheld a staunchly pro-Palestinian stance, driven by its revolutionary history and anti-colonial identity. This study delves into the historical evolution of the question, exploring key events such as the subsequent conflicts and peace initiatives. It analyzes how regional dynamics, particularly after the Arab Spring, have impacted the distinct policies of Morocco and Algeria. This study illustrates the strategic approaches, underlying motivations, and implications of each country's position through a methodical comparative analysis. By offering a thorough analysis of how Morocco and Algeria navigate the challenges of the Israel-Palestine issue while taking into account their distinct political settings and regional aspirations, it aims to contribute to the existing studies. The findings underscore the importance of comprehending the multifaceted nature of regional politics and the diverse perspectives within the Arab world towards the issue. The objective of this study is to provide insight to larger conversations on Middle Eastern geopolitics and the ongoing challenges of the Israel-Palestine question by presenting a nuanced perspective on the policies of Morocco and Algeria.
The impact of subnational identities on national security: a comparative analysis of Jordan and Lebanon
This dissertation investigates the impact of subnational identities (SNIs) on national security in the Middle East, with a comparative focus on Jordan and Lebanon in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. It explores how SNIs—defined as ethnic, sectarian, tribal, or regional affiliations that exist below the level of the nation-state—interact with state institutions, political structures, and social dynamics to influence national security outcomes. The study advances the argument that in fragile or hybrid regimes, subnational identities are not peripheral forces but central actors that both reflect and shape the legitimacy, stability, and cohesion of the state. Drawing on a constructivist framework and employing qualitative comparative analysis, the research deconstructs the evolving relationship between identity-based mobilization and state responses in both case studies. Jordan and Lebanon serve as illustrative cases due to their divergent political systems, identity configurations, and post-2011 trajectories. Through a multi-dimensional model incorporating historical, institutional, and sociopolitical variables, the study reveals how identity-based grievances, perceptions of exclusion, and contestations over power and representation become securitized and politicized in different ways, often resulting in fragmented authority, weakened state legitimacy, and new modes of governance. In Jordan, the interplay between tribal affiliations and national narratives is examined against the backdrop of a centralized monarchy and institutionalized loyalty mechanisms. In contrast, Lebanon's confessional power-sharing system highlights how entrenched sectarian identities can both stabilize and destabilize the state, producing parallel authority structures and enabling external interference. The comparative lens reveals shared patterns of identity-politics-driven instability, as well as distinct trajectories shaped by institutional design, elite strategies, and regional dynamics. Ultimately, the dissertation offers a nuanced theoretical and empirical contribution to the study of national security in deeply divided societies. It argues for a reconceptualization of security frameworks in the Middle East to include the role of internal societal actors, identity-based cleavages, and the multidirectional relationship between state and society. The findings provide both scholarly insights and policy-relevant implications for understanding and addressing the security challenges arising from identity pluralism in the contemporary Arab world.
Birleşmiş Milletler'in Afrika'daki devlet-içi çatışmalara müdahale politikaları
Devlet-içi çatışmalara müdahalede, uluslararası politikada görece daha meşru olan uluslararası örgütlerin temel aktör olma rolü yadsınamaz derecede önemlidir. Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde dünyanın birçok yerinde daha çok görülmeye başlanan devlet-içi çatışmalara, uluslararası örgütlerin (ve başlıca uluslararası örgüt olarak da Birleşmiş Milletler'in) müdahalelerinin hızla arttığı görülmektedir. İnsani müdahale ve BM barışı koruma operasyonlarında değişimin yaşandığı ve ayrıca koruma sorumluluğu gibi yeni normların ortaya çıktığı bu süreçte uluslararası örgütlerin müdahalelerinde başarı (ve/ya etkililiğin) ve başarısızlığın yanı sıra kimi zaman müdahalesizlik de görülebilmektedir. Bu bağlamda BM gibi uluslararası örgütlerin neden bazı devlet-içi anlaşmazlıklara müdahale etmezken, diğerlerine müdahale etmeyi seçtikleri; müdahale etmeyi seçtiklerinde ise neden başarılı/etkili veya başarısız oldukları incelenmesi gereken önemli sorun alanlarını teşkil etmektedir. Buradan hareketle, BM özelinde uluslararası örgütlerin bu farklı müdahale politikalarını (müdahale edip-etmeme, müdahalenin başarılı/etkili ve başarısız olması) belirlemede belli parametreler oluşturulmuştur. Bunun yanı sıra devlet-içi çatışmaların sık yaşandığı Afrika'dan seçilen üç örnekle bunların sağlaması ve örneklendirmesi yapılmıştır. Bu çerçevede BM'nin 2003-2007 yılları arasında Darfur'daki kayıtsızlığı, BM ile etkileşim halinde NATO'nun Mart 2011-Ekim 2011 tarihleri arasındaki etkili Libya müdahalesi ve BM'nin Somali'deki 1992-1995 yılları arasındaki müdahalesinin başarısızlığı örnek olaylar olarak incelenmiştir.
Türk dış politikasında medeniyet söylemi ve yeniden yapılanma
AK Parti iktidarıyla birlikte Davutoğlu liderliğinde Türk dış politikası medeniyet söylemi çerçevesinde ideolojik olarak; aktif, çok taraflı ve çok boyutlu uygulama açısından aksiyolojik olarak yeniden yapılandırılmaya çalışılmaktadır. Bu söylem ile birlikte Türkiye sorun yaşadığı devletleri ötekileştirmeden aralarındaki sorunları diyalog yoluyla çözmeye çalışarak çevresini kuşatıcı politikalar geliştirmektedir. Bu bağlamda Türkiye yeni dönemde komşularıyla sorunlarının çözümü için girişim başlatmış, bu girişimler neticesinde Suriye, Irak gibi ülkelerle stratejik işbirliği anlaşmaları imzalamış, Ukrayna, Rusya, Mısır gibi ülkeleri ise medeniyet söylemli dış politika düşüncesiyle komşuları olarak görmeye başlamıştır. Ayrıca pek çok uluslararası örgütte düzen kurucu roller üstlenerek uluslararası toplantılarda Ortadoğu, Balkanlar ve Orta Asya ülkelerinin sözcülüğünü yapmaktadır.
İran İslam Cumhuriyeti - Suudi Arabistan Krallığı ilişkileri (1979-2011)
Bu çalışmanın temel ilgi alanı, 1979 İran İslam Devrimi?nden 2011 Arap Baharı?na kadar olan süreçte İran İslam Cumhuriyeti ve Suudi Arabistan Krallığı ikili ilişkilerini incelemek ve tanımlamaktır. İran ve Suudi Arabistan, İslam dünyası, Ortadoğu ve bilhassa Basra Körfezi?nde önemi haiz iki devleti temsil etmektedirler. Böylece, mezkür alanlarda meydana gelen önemli gelişmeleri sağlıklı bir şekilde anlayabilme konusunda Tahran-Riyad ilişkilerinin seyri bize ışık tutabilecek muhtevayı içerisinde barındırmaktadır.Bu bağlamda, İslam Devrimi ile Arap Baharı arasındaki yaklaşık otuz yıllık dönemde İran-Suudi Arabistan ilişkilerinin temel karakteristiği çok boyutlu rekabet olarak kendini göstermektedir. Söz konusu rekabetin yoğunluğunun bazı dönemlerde tırmanması, iki ülke ilişkilerinde gerilim ve çatışmayı beraberinde getirmiştir. Bu nedenle bölgesel rekabetin iyice derinleştiği bazı dönemlerde Tahran-Riyad ikili ilişkileri ya kopmuş ya da kopma noktasına gelmiştir. Bu çalışmada Tahran-Riyad ilişkilerini belirleyen temel unsurlar süreklilik ve değişiklik unsurları olarak iki grupta incelenmiştir. İki ülke ilişkilerinde yönlendirici özelliğe sahip süreklilik unsurları, her iki ülkenin yapısal unsurlarından kaynağını almakta ve günümüze kadar etkisini sürdürmektedir. Bu anlamda İran?ı meydana getiren Fars kimliği, Şii düşüncesi ve cumhuriyet yönetimi ile Suudi Arabistan?ı meydana getiren Arap kimliği, Sünni inanışı ve monarşi yönetimi şeklindeki yapısal unsurlar, İslam Devrimi sonrasında yoğun bir rekabete tutuşmuş ve bu rekabete süreklilik boyutu kazandırmıştır. Değişiklik unsurları ise konjonktürel olarak söz konusu devletlerin birbirlerine yönelik tutum ve davranışlarında büyük oranda etkili olan ulusal, bölgesel ve uluslararası alanda meydana gelen önemli gelişmelerdir. Değişiklik unsurlarına ilişkin olarak 1979 sonrası Tahran-Riyad ikili ilişkileri üç dönem halinde incelenmiştir. Birinci dönem, İslam Devrimi ile başlayıp, 1979 Ayetullah Humeyni?nin vefatı ile sona ermektedir. Bu dönemi belirgin kılan temel dinamik İran?ın ortaya koyduğu bölgesel siyasetin cari sistemin temellerini yıkacak potansiyeli taşımış olması ve Suudi rejiminin güvenliğine hayati bir tehlike oluşturmuş olmasıdır. İslam Devrimi ile İran?ın dış politikası üzerinde şekillendirici özelliği olan iç dinamikler köklü bir şekilde değişmiştir. 1979 akabinde İran?ın anti-statükocu dış politikası ve devrim ihracı politikasına en yoğun şekilde maruz kalan Suudi rejimi, Tahran?ın bu minvalde ilerleyen politikalarına ilişkin endişelerinden hareketle onu dengeleme politikası izleyerek dizginlemeye çalışmıştır. Bu nedenle ikili ilişkilerde 1979-89 dönemi doğrudan rekabet ve çatışma olarak adlandırılmıştır.Tahran-Riyad ilişkilerinde ikinci bir dönem, 1989-2001 arasındaki zaman dilimini kapsamaktadır. Bu dönemi belirgin kılan ana değişkenler 1988?de I. Körfez Savaşı?nın sona ermesi, 1989?da devrim lideri Ayetullah Humeyni?nin vefat etmesi, 1990?da II. Körfez Savaşı?nın patlak vermesi ve İran?ın dış politikasında ve bölge devletleri ile ilişkilerinde yeni bir sayfa açan Haşimi Rafsancani ve daha sonra Muhammed Hatemi?nin liderliğe geçmeleridir. Ulusal ve bölgesel anlamda meydana gelen bu denli önemli gelişmeler İran ve Suudi Arabistan?ın birbirlerine bakışları üzerinde olumlu yansımaları olmuştur. Bunun doğal sonucu olarak Tahran-Riyad ilişkilerinde yumuşama evresi başlamıştır. İki ülke ilişkilerinde üçüncü dönem, 2001-2011 arasındaki zaman zarfını içermektedir. Bu dönemi meydana getiren ve iki ülke ilişkilerinde yoğun bir düzeyde yansımaları olan ana değişken 11 Eylül 2001 saldırılarıdır. 11 Eylül 2001 sonrasında şekillenmeye başlayan yeni Ortadoğu?da meydana gelen gelişmeler İran lehine sonuçlar doğurmuştur. 2001 sonrası ortaya çıkan bölgesel konjonktür Suudileri büyük oranda endişelendirmiş, Tahran ve Riyad?ı tekrar zıt pozisyonlara yerleştirerek aralarındaki rekabeti yeniden tırmandırmıştır. Anahtar Kelimeler: İran, Suudi Arabistan, İran İslam Devrimi, Arap Baharı, Körfez Savaşları.