Göçmen kadınların kentsel hareketliliğinin arttırılması, Berlin'den İstanbul'a deneyim transferi: Kurfalı, Kartal'da bir pilot çalışma

The relationship of migrant women to the city is very limited (Erman, 1997). The range of their mobility is highly restricted (Pattadath, 2014); their connection to the city and their level of knowledge about the city are quite little(Kofman, Kaye, & Caliskan, 2012). Migrant women's limited perception of urban space has negative effects (Hannan, 2007); it may even become deeply traumatic and lead to social and economic consequences (Demirler & Eşsiz, 2008), yet there are good "best-practice" examples to avoid such unfortunate outcomes (Birch & Keating, 2011). This study's aim is to understand the limitations of migrant women that affront their inclusion into the city where they have migrated. The purpose is to search the circumstances of the extension of the limited urban space of migrant women and to leave an applicable road map for local administrations on this matter. In this way, migrant women capable of only limited mobility within the home and neighbourhood centreline (İlkkaracan, 1998) can take part in public spaces, which enable people from various social circumstances to meet in new crowds. Within this context, the research focuses on two parameters, the use of public space and urban mobility, as measures of the social inclusion of migrant women in their place of immigration. Fields to apply PATET (Participatory Action towards Experience Transfer) have been chosen as Neukölln in Berlin and Kartal in Istanbul. Synchronically, the researchers have worked in these two fields. Berlin hosted the field study as the source of experience for the investigated "best practice" model, whereas Istanbul was the pilot study area. To conceptualize a way of including the migrants into the society and system, German policy has made great progress from the feedback they have received in the field. Berlin, in terms of including migrants into the social and urban system, stands out as prominently within literature and practice (Mathey & Stuka, 2011; Karakasoglu & Waltz, 2002; Bernath, et al., 2009). Currently, discussions about integration in Berlin revolve around the strategic governance of the process. The Ph.D. thesis has been supported with a pilot project –financed by Scientific Research Project Fund of Istanbul Technical University; the studies in Berlin have been financed by DAAD (Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst) . As the most powerful local actor, the participation of Kartal Municipality has been crucially important in this process. The researchers have made a cooperation agreement with Kartal City Council (KCC), and a voluntary experience transfer and exchange has been ensured between the two cities by neighbourhood-level administrative units. This experience transfer involves primarily a one-way flow of knowledge from the researchers to the practitioners (to KCC on behalf of Kartal District Municipality). However, this study also takes into consideration that there is actually multiple movements of knowledge between researchers, practitioners, and migrant women in Kurfalı, as well as the participants, coordinators and leaders of the project scrutinized in Berlin, Stadtteilmütter (StM) Neukölln, and the current and former StM. This study is comprised several steps and a mix of various research methodologies. In each step of the study, the research question's focus slightly changes in parallel to the methodology applied. In choosing the methodology, great care has been taken to ensure the suitability of the relevant problematic. Qualitative and quantitative research techniques as well as time scheduling shaped by the feedbacks taken from synchronic field studies have allowed for the design and application of the following steps of the participatory action. On the one hand, standardized questionnaires have been operated and, on the other hand, in-depth interviews alongside focus group discussions have been applied. In an evaluation of the outcomes of the several stages of the field studies, it is evident that migrant women show similar behaviour in terms of urban mobility and the use of public space in both cities. According to the findings of the questionnaire, women cannot define and identify the public spaces, activities and facilities within their neighbourhood. The mobility of everyday life and the use of public space of migrant women are shaped by the needs of the household and of their children. The literature on mobility and women identifies the existence of children alongside with the lack of free and extensive childcare as a barrier for womens' mobility.Yet, in this case, it has been proven that to some extent the existence of children may become a motivation for the mobility and sometimes even an accelerator. The awareness of women about public spaces in relation to their children and needs is great, whereas awareness of women about other public spaces that might actually be beneficial to them, is quite low. When asked, what they would want to have in the neighbourhood from the local administrations, women usually demand places, activities and services, which are already available on the neighbourhood level. It must be mentioned, however, that either women are not aware of the existence of them, or that these services they not adequately accessible (e.g.time-wise or distance-wise). It is a very strong characteristic of women that they use the word of mouth to spread news and to learn about their environment. This characteristics, however, can become a negative asset if the "information" exchanged is not accurate. E.g. most of the women who said that they cannot go to the public spaces in their neighbourhood alone or not at all made the excuse that they are expensive. On the contrary, most of the courses offered or the usage of public spaces are free of charge. The fact that women believe that there is a cost and that it would be unaffordable is based on "neighbourhood rumours", which prevents them from using these opportunities at hand and to explore more – as high costs are an impenetrable barrier for them. It is also noteworthy that time and topography do not adjust to the traditional understanding of service provisions of local administrations as well as to how migrant women seem to demand these services. The women subject to this study proved that they do not perceive geographical limitations as an average urban citizen would. They have created "safety paths" that usually collide with the public transportation routes, which appear to be the most crowded routes through which they can walk. The diversity of people using such streets is an important factor to establish the feeling of safety for women. Sidewalks and walking routes that are not especially women- and children-friendly also affect women's choices in creating their own connection/dis-connection recognitions. However, they usually avoid shortcuts and cannot imagine the vicinity around the places they go or how long such a journey can take. This is why sometimes they falsely guess the time and distance within the neighbourhood in terms of reaching public spaces and activities, and thus may avoid participating in some events or using these places. It is a process of learning, and thus it is wrong to assume the capability of understanding time and topography should be an asset of everyone, yet it is the duty of urban local administrations to bring this asset to the "new-comers". It should be beared in mind, that this process is not a short-term investment, but one in which the fruits can be only picked after a long time, yet in a sustainable way.